Mural showing two of Tlaxcala's most important gods. On the right is Camaxtli, the god of war and hunting. He was the chief deity of Tlaxcala and always appears with black paint across his upper face, vertical "candy-stripes" on his body, and carrying a bow and arrows. In the center, dressed in white, is the mother goddess known as Xochiquetzalli. According to some versions of Tlaxcalteca mythology, they were married. In the next two postings, I'll show you the extraordinary murals inside the Palacio Gobierno (Government Palace). These include scenes from archaic times all the way to the colonial period. The artist was Desiderio Hernández Xochitiotzin, a native of Tlaxcala. He worked on them from 1957 until his death in 1997, incorporating all the newest archeological discoveries to ensure accuracy. The Palacio is located along the north side of Plaza Constitución. To find it, click here.

Palacio Gobierno

Balcony of the Governor's office, above the front entrance of the Palacio. The beautifully carved white plaster nicely compliments the warm reddish glow of the brick facing. The style is very similar to the facade of Parroquia San Jose, (see my last posting). At the time I did that posting, I erroneously identified it as Churrigueresque. Richard Perry is a friend who publishes a blog called the Arts of Colonial Mexico. He tells me that this is Neostyle, a transition between late Baroque and Neo-Classic. The bell above the balcony is a replica of the one at the town of Dolores Hidalgo that Father Miguel Hidalgo rang to summon the people to begin the War of Independence (1810 - 1821). Every September 15, as part of the Fiesta de Independencia, the Governor stands on the balcony, rings the bell, and delivers Hidalgo's speech to the crowd below.


Below the balcony is the Mudéjar-style entrance of the Palacio. The fall of the Emirate of Granada in 1491 ended 700 years of Moorish domination in Spain. Practicing Muslims who remained in Spain were called Mudéjares, in contrast to Moriscos, who converted to Christianity. Eventually Spanish Catholic fanaticism forced both groups to leave the country. Although the Spanish Christians despised Islam, they did admire Muslim architectural styles. Mudéjar-style architecture was eventually brought to the New World. The Palacio was originally constructed  as a home for Hernán Cortez. From the colonial period through modern times, the building has been used for government offices. The Palacio has been destroyed and rebuilt several times due to floods, earthquakes, and fires.


Tlaxcala's origins


Youthful hunters take aim. The first inhabitants of what is now the State of Tlaxcala arrived some 11,000 years ago, during the Paleolithic Era (Old Stone Age). They were nomads who were hunting big game, including camels, mastodons, and horses. All of these animals became extinct in the New World many thousands of years ago. The oldest traces of the hunters' presence include a Clovis point spearhead and the remains of plants and animals that they consumed in the caves where they took shelter. The environment at that time was cold and humid.



Normads discover teocintle, the wild plant from which maiz originated. When the climate became warmer and dryer, the big game began to disappear. Archeologists believe this may have been accelerated by over-hunting. Increasingly, the nomads had to rely on smaller game and plants for their subsistence. Eventually, they discovered how to grow some of these plants themselves. Through experimentation over millennia, maiz (corn) was developed from teocintle. The oldest cobs of maiz yet found were discovered in a cave in Oaxaca. They have been carbon-dated to 5,400 years ago. However, DNA tests indicate that maiz probably originated much earlier in Puebla, south of Tlaxcala. Cultivation of maiz created a surplus of storable food, but it also necessitated significant cultural changes, since agriculture requires a sedentary lifestyle.



Over time, Maiz became central to the pre-hispanic economy and culture. Above, a man examines a newly sprouted maiz plant, while groups of men plant and cultivate their fields. They are using a long-handled tool called a coa, a Neolithic (New Stone Age) invention. I have observed it in use by small farmers in Mexico, as they plant and cultivate maiz in exactly the same way their archaic ancestors did. Over the millennia, the Tlaxcala area experienced waves of migration, and sometimes outright invasions, by new groups moving down from the northern deserts. Some of them built the ancient city of Xochitécatl (800 BC - 300 BC) in southwest Tlaxcala. A couple of centuries later, Teotihuacán (100 BC - 650 AD) arose. Tecoaque was a Teotihuacán military and trading outpost located just inside modern Tlaxcala's western border on an ancient trade route from the Gulf Coast to the Valley of Mexico. After Teotihuacán's demise, a period of turmoil ensued during which a Maya-related group called the Olmeca-Xicalanca arrived from the Gulf Coast. They took over the area and established Cacaxtla (700 AD - 900 AD), as their capital. It was within sight of the ruins of Xochitécatl, already ancient at that time. Cacaxtla fell, in turn, to the expanding empire of the Toltecs (900 AD - 1150 AD). When the Toltec era ended in the 12th century, it was followed by yet another period of instability. Military conflicts flared among rising city states and Chichimec invaders arrived. The name is generic for various northern-desert tribes of fierce nomadic warriors who had been kept in check by the Toltecs and, before them, Teotihuacán. After the Toltec empire collapsed, waves of these invaders swept down, taking advantage of the turmoil.



The Tlaxcaltecas arrived on the scene in the mid-14th century. Above, the Tlaxcalteca war god Camaxtli points the way for the migrants, They were part of the last great wave of Chichimec invaders. Included in this mass migration was another tribe known as the Mexica, commonly called the Aztecs. The two tribes not only arrived in their new homelands at about the same time, but they shared many cultural traits, including Nahuatl, their common language. They worshipped many of the same gods and shared a taste for warfare, conquest, and human sacrifice.



The Tlaxcaltecas conquer the Teo-Chichimecas, part of an earlier wave of migrants to Tlaxcala. The mural above gives a taste of pre-hispanic warfare, a savage and bloody affair. The scene is quite accurate. Not only could the artist draw from the first hand accounts of the Conquistadors, but the great murals of Cacaxtla display just such a titanic battle between the Eagle and Jaguar warrior cults. The combatants above are brandishing a fearsome hand weapon called a maquahuitl. It was a wooden club, the edges of which were lined with razor-sharp obsidian. Other weapons included the bow and arrow, the atlatl (a dart thrower), long spears, and slings that propelled stones with such force that they could endanger even a Spaniard in steel armor. For defense they used quilted armor and round wooden shields decorated with feathers. Warriors often clothed themselves in the skins of jaguars or other totem animals. Strapped to their backs were wood stakes adorned with bright feathers. In the heat of battle, these helped sort out friend from foe. In addition, the emblems enabled commanders to identify the battle lines so they could direct their forces.



Tlaxcalteca chiefs meet to formalize an on-going alliance. Following their successful conquest, the tribe divided up the lands they had captured. Four towns named Tepetícpac, Ocotelulco, Tiztlán, and Quiahuitzlán emerged as the centers of the Tlaxcalteca civilization. Each had its own lord and ruling elite. Over time, the leaders of these independent towns formed an on-going alliance to avoid internal conflict, to assist one another in conquering more territory, and to deal with external threats such as the rising Mexica empire to the west.


Pre-hispanic economy


A Tlaxcalteca noble oversees the harvesting of maiz. He wears a tilma, or cotton cape, knotted at his throat. It is hard to overstate the importance of maiz to pre-hispanic cultures. It was the staff of life and was used to prepare a wide variety of foods. Some of these, including tortillas, tamales, and the drink called atole are still widely consumed today. Abundant crops meant prosperity and security, while crop failures could be disastrous. Thus, maiz figured prominently in myths surrounding gods like Quetzalcoatl, who delivered the secret of maiz cultivation to humankind. Regular human sacrifices to gods like Tlaloc, the rain deity, were thought necessary to ensure adequate precipitation and good harvests.



Methods for processing maiz are unchanged from pre-hispanic times. On the left, a man uses a tumpline across his forehead to carry a basket full of freshly-harvested maiz. It is a very ancient method of transport that is still in use today. In the center, women sit around a pile of cobs, removing the husks. I have observed this same scene near my home. After husking, the maiz kernels are removed, soaked in lime, and boiled in a process called nixtamalization. This process dissolves the hulls around the kernels. Using a stone platter called a metate, the maiz is then ground with a roller called a mano, also made of stone. The resulting masa (dough) is flattened by hand into thin, round cakes called tortillas. These are cooked on a clay griddle called a comal. All these processes and tools are still in use throughout Mexico today, just as they were a thousand or more years ago. In fact, manos and metates are among the most common artifacts unearthed by archeologists in even the most ancient pre-hispanic sites. Today, virtually identical versions are sold in Mexican hardware stores for use as basic kitchen equipment.



Other Tlaxcalteca artisans at work. On the left, merchants examine a folded codex, which was the pre-hispanic version of a book. The paper for the codex was made by pounding the bark from an amate tree with a special stone to separate and flatten the fibres. Because of work necessary to create it, paper was a very valuable commodity. Because it was light and easy for traders to transport, paper became an important trade good. It was used primarily by rulers, priests, and the nobility for records and religious tracts. On the right, workers gather and bundle agaveleaves. These were used to produce fibre for sandals and ropes, among other things. The spines from the tips of agave leaves could be used as needles. The agave heart could be cooked and eaten and the juice from the heart could be processed into pulque, a mildly alcoholic drink still consumed in rural Mexico. Today, agave is most famous for the tequila which is made from it.



Weaving and dyeing cloth were other important crafts. In the center, three women weave cotton cloth using backstrap looms. The cotton was imported through the trade networks from the hot coastal areas. Backstrap looms are another very ancient technology that is still in use. Local women in my town can be found under the shade of a lakeside tree, using looms like these to make blankets and shawls for sale to tourists. On the  right, men dye the cloth in a large pot. One of the most favored dyes used crushed cochineal insects gathered from the nopal cactus. It was produced exclusively in Oaxaca and was expensive because a large number of the tiny insects were needed to produce a small amount of dye. Aztec emperors demanded quotas of cochineal dye as tribute from the Zapotecs of Oaxaca. Today, cochineal is still used as a dye in food and lipstick.



A merchant sets out on a trading mission. Men fold and bundle cotton cloth into packets for tlamemeque (porters) to carry. Notice the weary man in the center wiping the sweat from his brow and the two men assisting a tlamemeque who wears a tumpline. The merchant-traders, calledpochteca, were not part of the nobility but were still of high status. They had their own powerful organizations and even their own gods. Pochteca sometimes acted as intelligence agents for their rulers when they visited city-states ripe for conquest.



An injured tlamemeque receives medical attention as the pochteca looks on. In the background, the others take a much-needed break. Pre-hispanic people were sophisticated in the use of plants and other natural materials for their medical needs. Pochteca knew that the injuries of a porter must be attended to because, given the absence of any large domesticated animals, human transport was the only kind available. Trade routes in pre-hispanic Mesoamerica were extensive, reaching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Coasts and from Honduras to modern New Mexico. There is even evidence of trade between Peru and Western Mexico. Tlaxcala was well-positioned for trade since it lay on a route between the Gulf Coast and the Central Valley of Mexico.



Traders brought their wares to great city markets like this one. The scene above is part of a large mural showing Tlaxcala's tianguis (market). It captures the bustle, the variety of goods, and the myriad transactions that took place. My own pueblo of Ajijic holds what is still called a tianguis every Wednesday. Except for the clothing, and the temple in the background, ours looks pretty much the same as the one in this scene.



Nobles from Tlaxcala's four city-states confer. Commerce wasn't the only function of a tianguis. It was also a great social occasion for all classes. The elites of Tlaxcala could talk politics, make marriage alliances and conduct all sorts of business on these occasions.


Tlaxcala's pantheon of gods


Three priests conduct a key ritual of the Fire Ceremony.Tlaxcala's chief god Camaxtli was said to have invented the fire drill, seen above. To do it, he revolved the heavens around their axes. He was also the first to strike sparks from flint. The worship of the hunter-god Camaxtli, and his relationship to the invention of tools to create fire, harks back to archaic hunter-gatherer times. Fire was extremely important to archaic people. It provided warmth, lit the night, enabled the cooking of food, and could offer protection against predators. The ability to make fire was the first great invention in the long road to civilization. It thus became an important feature in most religious rituals and, in this case, had its own great ceremony, conducted at eight-year intervals.



The Festival of Xochiquetzalli was held each May. Above, a priest chants as the musicians behind him rap out a rhythm on a teponaztli. This was an elaborately carved hollow log drum with slits through the top in the form of an elongated capital H. Often the instrument had a human face on one end, as well as other carvings on its sides. The teponaztli was considered an especially sacred drum. Xochiquetzalli was believed to be the mother of gods and, according to some tales, was the spouse of Camaxtli. She was associated with goodness and flowers and could intercede with more powerful gods to grant the wishes of those who appealed to her.



Quetzalcoatl delivers the great gift of maiz to humankind.Quetzalcoatl, also known as the Plumed Serpent, had been worshipped throughout civilized Mesoamerica as far back as the Olmec times (1500 BC - 400 BC). It is likely that Chichimecs tribes like the Tlaxcalteca adopted Quetzalcoatl as they came into contact with civilized people and began to settle down. In fact, the myth of the Plumed Serpent asserted that he not only delivered maiz to humans, but taught them the arts of civilization, including writing.



Male and female deities dance together. The Tlaxcalteca pantheon was large, with many gods similar to those worshiped by the Mexica, while others were different. Every aspect of life was governed by greater or lesser gods and their festivals were often linked to the sacred 260-day calendar.

This completes my first posting on the murals of the Palacio Gobierno. Next time, we'll look at murals showing the Tlaxcalteca's great rivalry with the Aztec empire and their eventual alliance with the Spanish during the Conquest. I hope you have enjoyed this posting. Please leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below, or email me directly.

If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Saludos, Jim

Tlaxcalteca warriors engage in a "pep rally" before going into battle. The one on the right wears the heron emblem of Tizatlán, one of the four key cities of what the Spanish called the Tlaxcala Republic. All of the warriors brandish spears tipped by razor-sharp obsidian (volcanic glass). Throughout their history, Tlaxcaltecas maintained the fierce warrior traditions of their forebears. They were one of the tribes of Chichimec nomads from the north who had invaded and conquered the area in the 13th century AD. See my previous posting for a description of Tlaxcala's early history. In this posting, we'll look at the later stages of Tlaxcala's history, up through the Spanish Conquest. I will illustrate my posting with more photos of the wonderful murals covering the walls of the Palacio Gobierno.


Tlaxcaltecas versus the Mexica

Tlaxcaltecas celebrate a victory over the Mexica (Aztecs). Two men retrieve the body of the slain Mexica general from among the corpses of his elite bodyguard of Eagle Warriors. Around them, Tlaxcalteca warriors exultantly raise their obsidian-edged maquahuitls, a hand-weapon that was widely employed in this period. Notice the heron emblem strapped on the back of the warrior on the left, using rope and a wooden frame. The apparatus must have been light or it would have inhibited his movement in combat. The Tlaxcalteca and the Mexica warred with one another more or less continuously for almost 300 years. This conflict extended from the time they both arrived in the Valley of Mexico right up to the Spanish Conquest. While the scene above shows a Tlaxcalteca victory, they seem to have lost more often than not. Over the centuries, the Mexica empire continued to expand until it completely surrounded Tlaxcala, cutting all of Tlaxcala's trade routes. This deprived its people of many important and desirable goods such as cotton and cacao from the Gulf and metal objects from the Tarascan Empire in western Mexico. The trade blockade was enough to ensure enmity, but there was an even greater cause for the Tlaxcaltecas' intense hatred toward the Mexica.


The Mexica launched regular "Flowery Wars" against Tlaxcala. While the Mexica surrounded Tlaxcala, they never conquered it. Certainly the bravery and ferocity of the Tlaxcaltecas helped them keep their independence. However, the Mexica seem to have viewed Tlaxcala as a kind of wild game preserve in which to conduct conflicts they called "Flowery Wars". The main purpose of these wars was to capture Tlaxcalteca warriors for human sacrifice. In most pre-hispanic societies, human blood was considered to be an essential element of the universe. The ritual shedding of blood through human sacrifice was a common practice. However, the Mexica were different from both their predecessors and their contemporaries. The number of their victims was exponentially greater. The chief Mexica deity was Huitzilopochtli, god of war and of the sun. In order to keep the sun moving across the sky each day, the Mexica believed that Huitszilopochtli needed regular offerings of human blood. To fail in this was to risk a halt in the sun's daily course, thus jeopardizing the very existence of the world. Mass human sacrifices were, in this view, a kind of public service. The Mexicas' great Templo Mayor pyramid. located in their capital city of Tenochtitlan, was built to worship Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc, a rain god who also required human sacrifice. In 1487, as part of the the pyramid's re-dedication ceremony, more than 10,000 people were sacrificed over four days. The Mexica are estimated to have ritually sacrificed as many as 250,000 people each year during various festivals for their many gods. It is no wonder that their contemporaries feared and hated them.


A captive warrior takes on all comers in a Mexica gladiatorial sacrifice. Of all sacrifices, those of warriors were considered the most important and sacred. In the scene above, the captive is tethered to a large, circular, stone disk which is covered with ritual carvings and dripping with blood. Archeologists have unearthed a number of similar disks, the most famous of which is the so-called "Aztec Calendar". It is not actually a calendar at all, but a platform for gladiatorial sacrifices. The captive in the scene above has just dealt a savage blow to one of the Mexica's elite Eagle Warriors. Another Mexica dances with excitement as he brandishes his obsidian-edged maquahuitl. This ritual was about blood sacrifice, not a fair fight, so the captive warrior's weapon is edged with feathers, rather than obsidian. At the bottom you can see the soles of a row of sandals worn by other captives. It is not clear whether they are dead already or simply lying trussed, waiting their turn. A famous story tells of a great Tlaxcalteca warrior who was captured during a Flowery War. He was promptly marched back to Tenochitlán and tethered to the gladiatorial disk. However, even armed with an un-edged weapon, he defeated all his opponents. The Mexica were so awed by his skill and courage that they offered him his freedom. The Tlaxcalteca warrior refused, since he considered death in this manner to be too a great honor to pass up.

Arrival of the Spanish

The native people experienced consternation, fear, and awe upon the arrival of the Spanish. Not only did these new people represent an unknown race and culture, but they possessed awesome tools and weapons. To native people, an encounter with a fully armored Spaniard would have been much like a modern person coming face to face with an alien in an outlandish space suit. Some Spaniards were mounted on a horses, an animal that had become extinct in the New World tens of thousands of years earlier. At first, many natives thought the man and horse were a single animal. In addition to all this, the timing of the Spanish arrival seemed to fit centuries-old legends about the return of the god-king Quetzalcoatl. Native people, from simple farmers to sophisticated rulers, had a hard time deciding whether the Spanish were terrifying new enemies or divinities who should be welcomed and appeased. The mural above shows this mix of emotions.


When the Spanish arrived, Tlaxcaltecas fought them fiercely at first. Above, Tlaxcalteca warriors staunchly hold the line against the invaders. The people of Tlaxcala resented any attempt to intrude into their territory or impinge upon their freedom. The centuries-long struggle against the Mexica had honed their ability to mount a fierce resistance against this strange new enemy. Hernán Cortéz, the Conquistadores' leader, was a gifted military commander, but he was  also a shrewd politician and diplomat. He knew that he would need allies for his plan to conquer the Mexica. In several hard-fought battles, Cortez' forces defeated the Tlaxcaltecas, in spite of being heavily outnumbered. He then made them an offer they couldn't refuse.


The lords of Tlaxcala welcome Cortéz and his men into their city. The fighting ability of the Spanish, plus their fearsome new weapons, convinced Tlaxcala's leaders to seek peace. Cortez had learned from other native groups that the Tlaxcaltecas were not only great warriors, but also the bitter enemies of the Mexica. Wisely, the Spanish commander treated the Tlaxcaltecas with courtesy, generosity, and respect. Thus, he persuaded them to consider an alliance against their ancestral enemy.


La Malinche played a key role in the Conquest. She is the richly-dressed woman on the right of the mural. Born into a noble Nahuatl-speaking family, La Malinche had been enslaved as a girl by the Gulf Coast Maya. During her enslavement, she became fluent in several Maya dialects. When the Spanish landed on the Gulf Coast and defeated the local Maya chieftain, La Malinche was given to them as a slave. Cortéz desperately needed an interpreter to assist in his search for native allies. La Malinche excelled at this and added Spanish to her linguistic repertoire. She played a key role in the negotiations with the Nahuatl-speaking Tlaxcalteca. They viewed La Malinche as Cortéz' noble consort and treated her with respect. For centuries, the people of Nueva España, and later Mexico, saw her as a heroine. However, after the Revolution, attitudes changed. Many now view La Malinche as a traitor to her native people who was instrumental in bringing about their oppression. Today, in Mexico, Malinchista is a derisive term for a person who abandons Mexican culture in favor of foreign ways.


The four lords of Tlaxcala sign a formal treaty with the Spanish. They are shown here in Spanish frilled collars and capes, but they still wear their feathered head dresses. The Tlaxcalteca were loyal allies. Even after the Spanish suffered heavy loss during their initial retreat from the Mexica capital, they were warmly welcomed back in Tlaxcala. In fact, Cortez and his men could never have conquered the Mexica on their own. Armed and armored though they were, their numbers were tiny compared to the tens of thousands of warriors the Mexica could field. While Cortez' forces never exceeded 1,500 men, they were accompanied by many thousands of Tlaxcaltecas and other native auxiliaries. The Tlaxcaltecas were shrewd bargainers on their own part. In return for their support, they demanded perpetual exemption from tribute, a share of the spoils, and control of two provinces that bordered Tlaxcala. Cortéz agreed and, in truth, how could he not? As a result, Tlaxcala was exempt from tribute until the end of the colonial period, when the tribute system was abolished.


In the final struggle, Spaniards and Tlaxcaltecas fought side by side. While the Templo Mayor burns in the background, Mexica Eagle warriors fight desperately, their backs to the wall. A mounted Spaniard hacks away as a Tlaxcalteca warrior thrusts forward with his bloodied sword. The sword is probably an anomaly, since it is unlikely the Spanish would have entrusted one of their limited supply of weapons to a native soldier. In any case, the Tlaxcalteca would have been more comfortable wielding a maquahuitl. The final battle for the Mexica capital took weeks of bloody hand-to-hand fighting, during which the stunningly beautiful city was leveled. The great Mexica Empire was destroyed in its prime, but what would be Tlaxcala's fate in the post-Conquest world?


Post-conquest autonomy

The Lienzo de Tlaxcala displays the political structure of the Republic of Tlaxcala. The Lienzo, a large, cotton-cloth document, was created in the mid-16th century by indigenous scribes under the supervision of a Spaniard. It records the political structure of Tlaxcala, as well as the history of the Conquest, as seen through the eyes of the Tlaxcaltecas. The green "water mountain" in the center represents Tlaxcala. It contains a coat-of-arms, granted by the Spanish king in 1535. This was awarded because of the Tlaxcaltecas' great support during the Conquest and because the four lords had allowed themselves to be baptised. The coat-of-arms symbolized Tlaxcala's status as an autonomous unit within the Spanish Empire, accountable directly to the King, without intermediaries. Above it is the emblem of the Spanish Hapsburg Dynasty, signifying the ultimate power. The four altepetls (chief cities) of Tlaxcala are also shown, along with their rulers and chief retainers. Among the Spanish figures are the first two viceroys of Nueva España, a Spanish bishop, and Hernán Cortéz. The Lienzo is, in some ways, like a Tlaxcala Magna Carta.


Tlaxcala's autonomy was reinforced by later amendments, called cedulas. Three of the lords of Tlaxcala are shown above, holding some of these documents. The yellow-framed portrait of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain, is in the upper right, over another of the cedulas. Charles was the ruler who granted Tlaxcala's coat-of-arms.


Tlaxcala's Niños Martires were killed by evangelization opponents. The three young boys standing in the center holding green feathers and crucifixes are known as Los Trés Niños Martires (Three Martyred Children). Although the four lords of Tlaxcala, along with many others, were baptised and adopted Spanish customs, there were dissenters to the New Order. In fact, when the Spanish arrived, Tlaxcala's army commander, Xicoténcatl, had opposed the alliance. He was eventually executed by Cortés for treason. The Spanish were accompanied by Franciscan missionaries, who immediately embarked on wholesale evangelization. Many Tlacaltecas held to the old beliefs and were angered when their children were placed in Franciscan schools and indoctrinated in the new faith. The three young boys were killed, one in 1527 and two more in 1529, after they followed the Franciscans' teachings and desecrated pagan idols. One of the boys was the eldest grandson and heir to Xicoténcatl. The Spanish, and some Tlaxcaltecas, viewed the three boys as martyrs for the faith. In 2017, almost 500 years later, they were finally canonized, the last step to becoming Catholic saints. On the other hand, the warrior Xicoténcatl has also been honored. Several large statues of him were erected in Tlaxcala and a city plaza was given his name. Apparently, Tlaxcaltecas continue to have ambiguous feelings have about the Conquest.

This completes Part 4 of my Tlaxcala series. Next we'll take a look at the Ex-Convento de San Francisco, the oldest religious structure in Tlaxcala and one of the oldest in all of Mexico. I hope you have enjoyed this look at the wonderful murals of Palacio Gobierno. If you would like to leave a message or ask a question, please do so in the Comments section below, or email me directly.

If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Plaza Xicoténcatl is named for a famous warrior-general. Xicoténcatl Axayacatzín (also known as the The Younger) was the chief military leader of the Tlaxcalteca when the Spanish arrived. The Plaza Xicoténcatl is adjacent to Plaza de la Constitution, at the larger plaza's southeast corner. In this posting, we will take a look at this lovely plaza, as well as Ex-Convento Franciscano de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción and the Jorge Aguilar Bullring.


The tree-shaded plaza contains a large fountain on one end. The plaza is surrounded by restaurants, stores, and museums. When the Spanish marched into Tlaxcalteca territory, Xicoténcatl the Younger led two weeks of bitter fighting in an attempt to stop them. After repeated defeats, the ruling council of Tlaxcala, called the Four Lords, realized that they couldn't stop Cortés. Instead, they decided to become his allies against their traditional enemies, the Mexica (Aztecs). One of the Four Lords was the young military leader's father, Xicoténcatl the Elder.

Restaurante La Tavola occupies part of the east side of the plaza. This eatery has an awning-covered area that includes a large wooden burro. It is a magnet for visiting children. Unlike his father, Xicoténcatl the Younger never trusted the Spanish. During the fight to conquer the Mexica, he resisted their domination. As a result, Cortés ordered the young general to be hanged. There is no record of his father's reaction to this drastic action. However, the alliance between Tlaxcala and the Spanish continued. After their Revolution of 1910, Mexicans took another look at their native roots. Today, Xicoténcatl's spirit of resistance is honored by this plaza and by other statues and buildings, as well as in the formal name of the city itself, Tlaxcala de Xicoténcatl.


RestauranteLa Casa Azul occupies the other half of the plaza's east side. The restaurant's name means "Blue House". Originally a 19th century Neo-Classical mansion, today it specializes in coffees and traditional Mexican dishes. Until about twenty years ago, the plaza in front of the restaurant was the site of Tlaxcala's tianguis, or open-air public market. In colonial times it served as a slave market.


Pulqueria La Tia Yola projects from the south side of Casa Azul. The name means "Aunt Yola's Pulque Place". A pulqueria serves a mildly alcoholic beverage made from the maguey plant. Pulque has deep historical roots and was the main alcoholic drink of the pre-hispanic people of Mesoamerica. It remained popular among working class and rural people all through the colonial and early national period. However, in the late 19th century, German immigrants set up breweries. Cerveza (beer) is now more popular than pulque, but the traditional drink is still consumed all over Mexico.


Calzada San Francisco

Restaurante Yiandro and the entrance to Calzada San Francisco. Directly across from Pulqueria La Tia Yola is Restaurante Yiandro, on the south side of the plaza. Between them is the entrance to Calzada San Francisco, the tree-lined, cobblestone walkway that leads up to the Ex-Convento. 


Carole trudges up the Calzada. Although it is wide enough for vehicles, it is normally only used by pedestrians. We always enjoy finding serene andadores like this, where we don't have to dodge busy traffic. The Calzada is paved with a double line of cut cantera stone, set in a broad pathway of cobblestones. You can feel time dissolve as you make your way up to the 16th century convent complex.


The Cazada leads up to a triple archway that is the entrance to the Ex-convento.The arched entry is known as the Paso de Ronda. It connects the main Ex-Convento buildings with the stand-alone bell tower, out of view to the right. The Paso de Ronda contains a passageway to the tower. This architectural arrangement is unique in Mexico.


The bell tower at the end of the archway overlooks the city. It was built in three sections, with spaces for six bells in the campanario (belfry). The broad open space beyond the arches, called an atrium, was used in early colonial times to perform religious plays as a means to educate Tlaxcala's indigenous population in Catholicism.


Ex-Convento Franciscano de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción

Scale model of the Ex-Convento. The model is located in the Museo de Memoria, located on the west side of Plaza Xicoténcatl.

At the lower left, you can see the top of the Calzada San Francisco and the three arches of the Paso de Ronda, extending out to the bell tower. The other end of the arched passage connects to convent buildings which now house the offices of the Catedral de Tlaxcala.

Near the center of the photo is the former cloister of the convent. Its entrance is framed by another three arches leading to a small atrium. The cloister now contains the Museo Regional de Tlaxcala.

To the right of the museum is Iglesia de la Señora de la Asunción (Church of Our Lady of the Assumption). This structure is one of the oldest parts of the Ex-Convento. Three parallel chapels extend out from its right side. To the right of the church entrance is the small Capilla del Tercero Orden (Chapel of the Third Order).

Across the atrium from the museum, church, and chapel is another small set of buildings called the Capilla Abierta (Open Chapel).

In the center of the right side is a small square structure known as the Capilla Posa (Posa Chapel).

At the bottom you can see part of the José Aguilar Bullring. This area was once part of the Ex-convento.

Along the top and left sides of the photo are terraces that were once used as gardens and orchards to supply food for the friars and their indigenous servants.


The Ex-Convento's cloister is now the Museo Regional. The cloister is the area where the Franciscan friars once lived. Now, it is a museum filled with artifacts from Tlaxcala's history. These range from early pre-hispanic through the colonial and early national periods. If I had to recommend only one museum in Tlaxcala, this would be it.


To the right of the cloister are the church and the Third Order chapel. The Franciscans were dedicated to simplicity both in their lives and in their architecture. The facades of the church and adjoining chapel are examples of this. All of these structures were built very early in the Conquest era. For example, construction began on the church in 1530, only eight years after the defeat of the Mexica. The cloister was begun in 1537, shortly after the church was completed. These dates make the Ex-Convento the oldest of its kind in the continental Americas. In future posts, we'll take a look inside the museum, church and chapel.


The Capilla de Posa sits on the southern edge of the Ex-Convento's atrium. I was very puzzled by this structure, since there is no information about it at the site. After much Googling, I finally contacted my friend Richard Perry, who is an expert on Mexican religious architecture from the colonial period. Sure enough, he immediately knew the answer. The structure, called a "posa chapel", is one of four that originally existed at the Ex-Convento. The other three are now gone. According to Richard, chapels like this "were used in outdoor religious processions in colonial times - and still are in some places."


Plaque at the Capilla de Posa showing San Francisco (St. Francis of Assisi). He was the founder of the Franciscan Order of evangelical friars. St. Francis is the patron of animals and is famous for praising all creatures as brothers under God. This probably accounts for the various animals surrounding him. Notice the goose on the left, pulling on the rope around his waist. The rope/belts worn by Franciscan friars were symbolic of the ropes that bound Jesus and of their commitment. The specific event depicted on the plaque occurred during a forty-day period of prayer on a mountain, 2 years before San Francisco died. At that time, according to the legend, he miraculously received the "stigmata", which are the five wounds inflicted on Jesus when he was crucified.


Upper part of the Capilla Abierta on the west side of the Ex-Convento. Capillas abiertas (open chapels) were built in the 16th century after the military Conquest, during a period that was known as the Spiritual Conquest. The main part of the capilla is behind and below what you see here. The orange structures are used today to sell religious artifacts. Construction of capillas abiertas was uniquely widespread in Mexico, although there are some scattered examples elsewhere in Latin America.


Lower part of the Capilla Abierta. Structures like this were built specifically for the evangelization process. The Franciscans constructed this one in 1528, barely six years after the defeat of the Aztecs, making it the earliest structure in the complex. In pre-hispanic times, the public parts of ancient religious rites were practiced in large open areas, usually in front of a temple or pyramid. In an effort to make the conversion process easier, the friars associated their practices with those already familiar to the native people. Thus, the chapel and its altar are open, with a sizable area in front--also open--so that large numbers of indigenous people could be gathered for the Catholic services. Another example of a capilla abierta can be seen in my blog posting on the ancient Maya city of Dzbilchaltún, in Yucatan.

Jorge Aguilar "El Ranchero" Bullring

The bell tower on the west side of the complex overlooks the bullring. Just beyond the fence is a precipitous drop to an area once called the "low atrium" which contains the bullring. The bullring area was originally part of the Ex-Convento's property, according to a text written by Diego Muñoz Camargo in 1583. A hospital occupied the site from the 16th century until 1867. After the hospital closed, its cemetery continued to be used by the city for another ten years. Much Church property in Mexico The low atrium was seized and sold during the reforms of Benito Juarez in the 1870's, as part of his program of cutting the political and economic power of the Church


The bullring, as seen through the fence next to the bell tower. This has been described as Mexico's most perfect and beautiful bullring. The first mention of the bull ring occurred in 1886, but it was then little more than a cattle pen. Some decades later, steps and arches were added. The bullring assumed its present form when it was re-inaugurated in 1945.


Boys practicing their skills in the ring. They looked a bit young to be actual bullfighters-in-training, but who knows? That could just be my perception as an older guy. The bullring is named after Jorge Aguilar, a famous bullfighter knicknamed "El Ranchero" (The Rancher). Its capacity is 2,500 spectators. Fighting bulls are still raised on haciendas all over the state of Tlaxcala. However, Mexican public opinion about bullfighting is gradually changing. Three states, including Sonora, Coahuila, and Guerrero, have banned the sport because of its cruelty to the bull. In 2016, Baja California considered but postponed action on such a bill. There is no indication of any change in Tlaxcala, however.

This completes Part 5 of my Tlaxcala series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, please leave any comments or questions in the Comments section below. If you leave a question, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Detail from the main retablo in the Chapel of the Third Order. The figure above, although only identified as "Caballero" (Gentleman), may be San Luis Rey, the sainted 13th Century French King. The 18th century Capilla del Orden Tercero is one of the most extravagant I have yet encountered. The chapel extends out from the right side of the Catedral de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción, near the altar of the main nave. The church, which is part of a former Franciscan Convento, is also known as Catedral de Tlaxcala. It is one of the oldest cathedrals in Mexico. When the church was originally built it was called Templo de San Francisco de Assisi, in honor of St. Francis of Assisi, the founder and patron saint of the Franciscan Order. Martín de Valencia was one of the twelve original Franciscan friars who arrived in Nueva España (colonial Mexico) in 1524, only two years after the fall of the Aztec Empire. As the only one of the twelve with building experience, he oversaw the construction of the Franciscan Convento and its Templo. Later, when the Christianized population grew sizable enough, the churchwas given the status of Cathedral--the administrative seat of a Catholic diocese. It now shares that status with the Puebla Cathedral. In this posting, I will walk you through Catedral de Tlaxcala to examine its early colonial artifacts, architectural details, and sumptuous decoration. If you visit Tlaxcala this place is definitely a "must-see". To locate the Catedral on a Google map of Tlaxcala, click here.


Cathedral exterior

Externally, the cathedral is rather simple. It is the long rectangular building with the olive-colored roof, seen in the center above. To its left is the orange-roofed Franciscan cloister (living area). The four chapels extending from the church's right side were added a century or more later. The chapel with the dome is the Capilla de la Orden Tercero. The exterior of the main building is quite austere, which fits the style of the early Franciscan evangelists. There are two unusual architectural features: the lack of a dome over the altar of the main nave and a bell tower that is separated from the church by an expansive wide atrium. The austere exterior masks the opulence of the interior.


The Renaissance-style facade is characteristic of Franciscan simplicity. At least in the early years, the Franciscans of Nueva España took their vows of poverty seriously, both in their architecture and in their lifestyles generally. They saw themselves as a 16th century version of the biblical Twelve Apostles, with a mission of saving the benighted souls of the "devil-worshiping" indigenous people. They were utopians who worked to set up ideal Christian communities, free from European materialism and corruption. This led to some contradictory results. On the one hand, they often acted as protectors of the native people. The conquistadors, and the hordes of greedy Spaniards who followed them into Nueva España, sought fame and fortune. They considered the natives to be subhuman and felt no compunction about brutalizing them through rape, torture, murder, and--most profitably--enslavement. The Franciscans and other religious orders provided the native people with their only protection against this onslaught. While the Franciscans viewed indigenous people as genuine human beings, they saw them as unformed children, pure in nature but needing a firm hand to keep them from backsliding into idolatry. Those who failed to attend religious services, or showed reluctance to adopt acceptable religious practices, were whipped until they saw the light of Christianity.


A carved stone rope is part of the facade's decoration. The rope represents the rough cord the Franciscans used as a belt for their robes. It symbolizes both the rope that bound Jesus on his way to the cross and the binding nature of the Franciscan vows, most particularly that of poverty. This facade is one of the oldest parts of the overall structure. Construction of the main nave of Templo de San Francisco de Assisi began in 1530 and continued until 1536. The side chapels were added later and their decorations date to the 17th and 18th centuries.


The Main Nave

While the overall structure of the main nave is simple, its decorations are spectacular. There is one long rectangular space with one central aisle leading to the altar. One writer described it as a big barn. At least in the early years, the interior decoration probably followed Franciscan asceticism. Over the centuries, however, the wealth of the Order grew. The sumptuous decorations, including retablos (altar pieces) and paintings, reflected the prosperity of the Franciscans and their patrons. As Spaniards grew rich through their ownership of mines, haciendas, or merchant establishments, they made donations or bequests, as a way to expiate the sins they had accumulated while amassing their wealth. Simply put, it was a way to get their tickets into heaven punched. All of this wealth purchased the intricately carved and gold-leaf covered retablos, as well as large oil paintings of biblical scenes. Most of these works of art were the products of the 17th and 18th centuries, long after the ascetic early utopians were long dead and gone.

Priest of the Rain God Tlaloc. The molded-clay statue was created during the Epi-Classic era (650-900 AD). This was the period between the fall of Teotihuacán and the rise of the Toltec Empire. In Tlaxcala, a city-state called Cacaxtla arose in the western part of the state. It became an important regional power by dominating one of Teotihuacán's former trade routes. The priestly status of the figure above is indicated both by the "goggles" over the eyes--typical of Tlaloc imagery--and the sacred bundle held in his left hand. The priest wears an elaborate head dress, indicating a high status, his lower body is attired only with a loin cloth and ankle bracelets.

In this posting, we'll take a look at the Museo Regional and a selection of its treasures. The Museo is located in the old cloister (living area) of the Convento Franciscano de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción, seen in the previous two postings. Because there are so many wonderful artifacts contained in the museum, I will show them in two posts. This one will cover the Formative (Pre-Classic) Era (2000 BC-100 AD), the Classic (100-650 AD) and Epi-Classic (650-900 AD).

Museo Regional

Scale model of the cloister, which now contains the Museo Regional. The cloister area has the orange roof and is entered through the three arches at the lower left of the photo. They lead into the atrium (open-air patio area) in the center. Parts of the left side of the cloister include administrative offices for the Catedral de Tlaxcala, which is the long rectangular building with the brown roof, along the right side of the cloister. Construction on the cloister began in 1537, following completion of the Catedral (originally called Templo de San Francisco de Assisi, after the founder of the Order). The cloister has housed the Museo Regional since 1985.


Atrium or patio of the cloister. In the middle is a fountain, surrounded on all four sides by arched portales which protect the open-air walkways on both floors. This architectural arrangement is very typical of convento cloisters in Nueva España. Within buildings such as these, the Franciscan friars lived and worked. Today, the lower floor houses exhibits from the pre-hispanic period up through the Conquest. The upper floor contains exhibits from the colonial and national periods.


Elaborately carved rafters within the cloister area. Notice the diamond-shaped cartouches along the top. Each of these contains a 4-petal flower. It is interesting to note that such flowers appear in many ancient pre-hispanic cities. The flowers symbolize the four cardinal points of the cosmos (north, south, east, west). These directions are sacred and each is associated with a different god. It is very likely that the craftsmen who carved these rafters were indigenous, and probably only recently converted. Ironically, they were incorporating pagan decorative elements into one of the earliest centers for evangelizing native people. This covert practice was common throughout Nueva España. It is not clear whether the Franciscans understood the connection at the time. However, when they ultimately figured out what was going on, they denounced the such images, calling them "idols behind the altars."


Wall murals were another form of early convento decoration. Again, the craftsmen were no doubt indigenous Tlaxcalans. While much of the luxuriant foliage has been worn away or painted over, enough remains to appreciate the skill of the artists.


17th century atrial cross, carved from cantera stone.Crosses like this were typically erected in a large, open atrium such as the one directly in front of of the Franciscan cloister and its church. To appreciate the size of this atrium, and its relationship to the other structures of the Convento, see the scale model in Part 5 of this series. These expansive areas were devoted to evangelization because they allowed the friars to gather large numbers of native people for mass conversions and religious education. Often, this education was delivered in the form of religious plays and processions. The indigenous masses were virtually always illiterate (at least in the European sense), so the crosses were often covered by easily understood symbols relating to the Passion of Christ (i.e. the events leading up to and including the crucifixion). The figure of the crucified Jesus was deliberately left off the cross. The friars wanted to avoid making any association between the crucifixion and the pre-hispanic practice of human sacrifice.


Formative or Pre-Classic Era

Storm God figurine found in the Tlaxcala area. The grinning figure holds what appears to be a writhing snake in his right hand. This small, molded-clay figure was created during the middle-to-late Pre-Classic Era (800 AD-100 AD). Agriculture had been practiced for thousands of years by this time. Increasing food surpluses allowed people to begin living in villages and, by the late Pre-Classic period, even in large towns. Storms were viewed as awesome events, with their thunder, lightning, torrential rains, and floods. On the other hand, rain was essential for the cultivation of maiz (corn) and other food crops. As a result, people began to worship deities, such as the Storm God (predecessor to Tlaloc), who were believed to control both the positive and destructive aspects of these natural forces.

Feminine figure. This little statue is of molded clay, with incisions and applications. Otherwise nude, she has a complex hairstyle, which may also be  some sort of head dress. Figures like this are believed to have been used as offerings in religious ceremonies. They are particularly interesting because they reveal how people saw themselves.


Ceramic head, found in Tlaxcala. It is not clear whether this was once part of a male or female figure, although I would bet on male due to the less elaborate hair style. Archeologists believe that figures like this and the previous female figure represent the ideal of beauty in the minds of their creators.


Olmec ball game yoke. This artifact was discovered in Tlaxcala, but originated in the Gulf Coast area dominated by the Olmecs. During the pre-hispanic ball game, leather or wicker yokes were worn around players' midriffs to protect them from the heavy rubber balls. A strike in an unprotected area of the body could cause serious injuries or even death. Stone yokes were symbolic imitations of the lighter versions the players actually wore. While few, if any, leather or wicker yokes have survived, those carved from stone have often been found in ancient tombs. They were placed there to commemorate a sacrificed player or a person who had some other important connection to the ball game. The Olmecs (1500-400 BC) have often been called the "Mother of Cultures." Through trade and colonization, they exerted strong cultural influences throughout Mesoamerica. Some of their trade routes passed through Tlaxcala. Many of the key aspects of later civilizations originated with the Olmecs. Examples include the ball game, stepped pyramids, human sacrifice, the ancient calendar, worship of the Plumed Serpent, and the earliest writing in the Americas.

The Classic Era

Classic Era ceramic pot in the shape of a reclining dog. This charming molded-clay pot was found in the village of Ocotitla, on the northeastern outskirts of the modern city of Tlaxcala. Notice the spout in the handle to make it easier to pour its liquid contents. Dogs were popular subjects for potters in the Classic Era (100-650 AD). They were one of a handful of animals domesticated by the ancient people. Some dogs were kept as pets but others served as a source of meat. Dogs also played a role in mythology as guides for the souls of the dead on their journey into Mictlán (the underworld). This one, found in a tomb, apparently was  intended for that purpose.


Ceramic olla patoja (lame pot). This pot is not dated, other than to the Classic Era. However, similar ones found around altars in the ruins of Teotihuacán date to 250-450 AD. This was a period when the great trading city's influence was spreading throughout Mesoamerica. One of Teotihuacán's key trade routes ran through Tlaxcala to the Gulf Coast. In fact, from 300-500 AD, the ancient town of Tecoaque, in eastern Tlaxcala, was a Teotihuacan military/trading outpost along this route. This fits rather nicely with the dating of the Teotihuacan ollas pantojas. Pots like these were manufactured in Teotihuacán and then exported for use in religious ceremonies elsewhere.


Jarra (pitcher or jug) from Teotihuacán found in the Tlaxcala area. The jarra is not dated except to the general Classic Era. It is another example of trade goods exported from Teotihuacán. I find it remarkable that a pot like this could survive a long journey, given that it is large and heavy, while also relatively fragile. The merchant/trader would have had to transport it along primitive footpaths on the back of one of his human porters.


Large pot decorated with an abstract design. The origin of this Classic Era pot is unknown, but it may also have come from Teotihuacán. A pot of this size and shape would probably have been used for cooking. Its beautiful design indicates that it would have graced the kitchen of a high-status home.


The Epi-Classic Era

Urn from Cacaxtla. Urns like this were used for ceremonial purposes and were often left in tombs as grave goods. The high-status individual on the side of the urn wears an elaborate head dress and stands with his arms raised in a ritual posture. Other decorations on the sides of the urn include musicians, plants and animals. The scenes may represent a ritual devoted to a particular god.  Cacaxtla is located in eastern Tlaxcala, near its border with the State of Puebla. It was an important regional power during the Epi-Classic Era (650-900 AD), which is the period between the fall of Teotihuacán and the rise of the Toltecs.


Carved stone statue of a warrior or priest. The sophisticated head dress, earrings, necklace and general posture indicate a high status individual. Between his hands he holds a circular object that may represent a chalchihuite (jewel or drop of water) or possibly a mirror used for divination. Archeologists are undecided about whether the figure is a warrior or a priest. My bet is a warrior, because the Epi-Classic was a time of instability, militarism, and invasions by Chichimec nomads from the north. Small, fortified city-states like Cacaxtla arose, along with  Xochicalco (south of Cuernavaca), and La Quemada (south of Zacatecas). These three were important regional powers that came to dominate sections of Teotihuacán's vast trade network after the empire collapsed. The relationships among the Epi-Classic regional powers shifted back and forth between trade partner and political/military competitor.


Small clay figures used in fertility rites at Xochitécatl. Within sight of the fortified hilltop city of Cacaxtla is another, much older, hilltop city known as Xochitécatl. This ancient site dates back to the middle of the Pre-Classic Era. Due to an eruption of the still-active Volcan Popocatépatl,Xochitécatl was abandoned in 150 AD. However, in 600 AD, it was reoccupied and its crumbling old pyramids were used as ceremonial sites by the newly arrived inhabitants of Cacaxla. Large numbers of these figurillas (little figures) were left on the grand staircase and top level of Xochitécatl's"Pyramid of the Flowers". They were apparently left as fertility offerings. These ceremonies also appear to have involved the ritual sacrifice of children. Notice the four-petaled flower in the center of each figure's head dress.


Another fertility offering left at Xochitécatl shows a baby emerging from the womb.  Fertility rites were sometimes aimed at ensuring a good crop but, in this case, the offering seems be about the fertility of a woman. Given the elaborate head dress of the figurilla, the woman in question was probably a high-status individual.


Epi-Classic child's toy, found at Xochitécatl. The figure of a dog has wheels on his haunches. There are holes in his shoulders showing where an axle went through to mount another set of wheels. Over the last ten years, Carole and I have visited many pre-hispanic sites and museums. During those visits, we have occasionally encountered wheeled objects, all of which seem to have been created as toys. Clearly Mesoamerican people understood the concept of wheels, but they never used them in any practical way. Why? The answer is simple: no draft animals. Why couldn't humans have been used to pull wheeled carts? Well, for that, you would have to create an extensive road system. Mexico is a very mountainous country where road-building has always been difficult. In any case, the number of people you would need to pull a cart full of goods would probably exceed the number you would need to simply carry those goods on backpacks. Further, with human porters, you could use existing footpaths.


Conch trumpet with holes, possibly for a carrying strap.Conch shells were the most important wind instrument in the Mesoamerican musical repertoire. While they must, sometimes, have been employed for simple entertainment, their most important use was in religious ceremonies and as signaling devices during military operations. Conch trumpets were often elaborately carved with religious symbols and decorated with feathers. Throughout Mesoamerica, conches appear on sculptures and in wall murals. At Teotihuacán's Palacio Quetzalpapalotl, wall murals show marching jaguars blowing conch trumpets. In 1521, during the siege of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán, eyewitness Bernal Diaz del Castillo reported hearing the mournful wail of quiquiztli (conch trumpets) as he observed Spanish prisoners being marched up the steps of the Templo Mayor to be sacrificed to the Aztec War God Huitzilopochtli.


Stone relief carving shows two priests conducting rituals. Both have elaborate head dresses. The figure on the left wears large circular earrings and a jade belt, while the one on the right appears to be wearing a mask of some sort. The figure on the left holds a priest's sacred bundle in his left hand as he crouches to face the viewer. The priest on the right dances as he clutches a writhing snake in his right hand and a rattle in his left.


Toltec warrior holding a shield, or possibly a mirror. The attire and stance of this high-status warrior indicates he may be a general or governor. The Toltecswere an especially militaristic society who arose at the end of the Epi-Classic Era. Their capital was Tollan (modern Tula) in Hidalgo State, north of Mexico City. They may have originated as a melding of Teotihuacán refugees with Chichimec invaders. By 900 AD, the Toltecs had achieved considerable power. For the next 300 years, they extended their control over the central part of Mesoamerica, including the Tlaxcla area. However, they never approached the reach of Teotihuacán. The eclipse and disappearance of regional powers like Cacaxtla may have been due to the rise of the Toltec Empire. The Toltec period forms a chronological bridge between the end of the Classic Era and the first part of the Post-Classic. In my next posting, we'll look at artifacts from Post-Classic societies, the Conquest, and the Colonial and National periods.

This completes Part 7a of my Tlaxcala series. If you have enjoyed it, please leave any comments or questions in the Comments section below, or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta Luego, Jim

Chac-Mools like this were used from the Toltec through the Aztec periods. A Chac-Mool is a carved and polished stone statue, thought to represent either a god or a warrior. The figure is always the same: a reclining male, with his head turned questioningly to one side, while his hands hold a bowl on his stomach. Ritual offerings were placed in the bowl, including human hearts freshly cut from the living chests of sacrifice victims. It has been dated to the period between 1250-1519 AD, i.e. the end of the Toltec era through the rise of the Aztec Empire and arrival of the Spanish. The statue was found at Hacienda Mixco in Teacalco, Tlaxcala. Chac-Mools have also been found at Tula, the Toltec capital in the state of Hidalgo, and at Chichen Itza in the Maya territory of Yucatan. Another stands in front of the temple dedicated to Tlaloc, the Rain God, atop the Templo Mayor pyramid in the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán. Although they were bitter enemies, the Tlaxcaltecas and the Aztecs shared many of the same gods and ritual practices, including Tlaloc and a taste for human sacrifice.

In this posting, we'll take a look at some of the Museo Regional's artifacts from the Post-Classic through the early Colonial Eras.


The Post Classic Era


And, speaking of Tlaloc... God of water, rain, lightning and governor of eight of the thirteen levels of heaven. He wears the "goggles" typical of representations of Tlaloc. Another interesting aspect of this statue is its rather phallic appearance, which may be related to agricultural fertility. Worship of a deity related to rain is probably as old as the practice of agriculture. The only god who may be older is the Fire God, known in the Post-Classic era as Huehueteotl, the "Old, old god". The statue was created somewhere between 1250-1519 AD. Tlaloc was believed to reside in the mountains where the clouds gather. Sacrificial offerings on the altars located there often included children.


Chalchihuitlicue was goddess of vegetation, particularly maiz, and patroness of young women. She was Tlaloc's consort, a nice match since the plant world needs water. Chalchihuitlicue was worshipped not only by the Tlaxcaltecas, but by many of the other Post-Classic cultures.


Ehecatl, the Wind God, is another very ancient deity. He was closely associated with Tlaloc, because the wind pushes the clouds and rain. Ehecatl always wears a strange, artificial beak. Another of his unique features is the circular shape of his temples. The temples bases of other pre-hispanic gods are square or rectangular, with the four sides oriented to the sacred, cardinal directions. Since the wind can come from any direction, Ehecatl's temples have no corners. In fact, they often had spiral shapes, perhaps to imitate a whirlwind. A very early example can be found at Xochitécatl, in western Tlaxcala, built sometime between 700-300 BC. Another example, from the Post-Classic Era, stands at Calixtlahuaca, west of Mexico City. Ehecatl was also closely associated with Quetzalcoatl (the Plumed Serpent) who, along with Tlaloc, was one of the Creator Gods..


Processional figure, used in religious rituals relating to war and the gods. Groups of figures like this helped support group cohesion by transmitting tribal history, cosmology, and religion. This figure was one of a set found at Tizatlan, in the present-day capital city of Tlaxcala. It was one of the four federated altepetls (city-states) that formed what the Spanish called the Republica de Tlaxcala.


Post-Classic "host" figurilla with child. This rather cheerful looking figurilla carries a child on her arm who wears an identical grin. The figurilla is hollow, with a removable plate on the chest. The figure inside is dressed in a loincloth and necklace and may represent the divine essence residing in each person. Figurillas like this are especially interesting because they show how the people dressed and adorned themselves at a particular time. This craftsmanship of this figurilla is of lower quality than that of similar Classic-Era figurillas found at Teotihuacan.


Beautifully painted tri-pod bowl. The decorations appear to be abstract, but some may represent snakes and birds. This would have graced the table of a high-status individual. It may have been imported or it might be an heirloom from an earlier era.


Funerary vase with glyphs. The vase was found at Ocotelulco, another of Tlaxcala's four altepetls. A vase like this is usually found in an intact tomb. Otherwise, it would have been unlikely to survive centuries of turmoil and conflict.


Two-handled pot, undecorated. This utilitarian piece might have been used in the kitchen of either a noble or a commoner. A wide variety of pre-hispanic ceramic styles have been found in Tlaxcala. One explanation of this diversity is that the area was dominated by many different cultures and civilizations over the millennia. Another factor was the network of trade routes criss-crossing the area.


Donut-shaped ceramic vase, decorated with glyphs. This is one of the most interesting ceramic pieces I have ever encountered in Mexico. It is in the shape of a thick donut, with a an opening on one side. I am left puzzled as to how this piece would have been used, and for what purpose.


The Spanish Conquest

16th century steel armor and halberd used by Spanish conquistadors. For millennia, metal armor had been used by the soldiers of Europe and elsewhere in the Old World. By the 16th century, it had reached the peak of its craftsmanship and effectiveness. However, firearms were introduced in the 15th century. Over the following centuries, improvements in the power, reliability, and rate of fire of guns gradually made armor obsolete on European battlefields. However, it continued to serve well in the New World against the flint and obsidian weapons employed by indigenous warriors. The halberd was a pole weapon, used primarily by foot soldiers. This one has a spearpoint, but it also carries a hook used to jerk mounted knights from their horses. Notice the small studs that spiral up the length of the pole. These helped a soldier keep his grip, even when the shaft was slick with sweat and blood. Armor and weapons made of steel, along with horses and firearms, were important factors in defeating the indigenous forces that opposed the Spanish Conquest. However, the Spanish could never have succeeded without the assistance of thousands of Tlaxcalteca warriors, armed with obsidian weapons, wicker shields, and cotton armor.


The Lienzo de Tlaxcala is a remarkable document, painted on cloth by native scribes. It is a pictorial record--from an indigenous point of view--of Tlaxcala's governing structure and the history of the Conquest. The Lienzo was created by indigenous scribes using a mixture of traditional and Spanish techniques. Unfortunately, the original has been lost, but the copy above was recreated in the 19th century using lithographs taken of the original. The full Lienzo was 3m wide and 5m long (9.8 ft x 16.4 ft). The top portion, seen above, shows the Republica de Tlaxcala's governing structure. The much longer bottom portion, not shown above, is composed of 91 small panels (7 across in 13 rows) showing scenes from the Conquest.


Detail from the top portion of the Lienzo showing Xicoténcatl, one of the Four Lords of Tlaxcala. The other three Lords are also depicted, along with the names and small profiles of their key supporters. Two of those can be seen in the upper left. Xicoténcatl is draped with an embroidered cape and wears a magnificent headdress. He also wears Spanish-style pantaloons, an example of the Lienzo's mix of styles.


La Malinche (center) interprets between Cortéz and a native cacique. Atlivetzian, the word in the upper left, represents the place where the event occurred. It is a Nahuatl word, rendered in Spanish script. The objects in the lower left, below the cacique (chief), represent supplies desperately needed by the Spanish as they marched on Tenochtitlán, the Aztec capital. Local groups like this were hoping to throw off Aztec domination. They achieved their wish, but exchanged Aztec rule for that of the Spanish, with disastrous consequences. La Malinche was a Maya woman given as a gift to Cortéz when he visited Yucatan on the way to conquer the Aztecs. She became his mistress, but also played a critical role in the Conquest as Cortéz' interpreter and adviser. As well as her native Maya dialect, she spoke Nahuatl, the language of most of the cultures in Central Mexico, including the Tlaxcaltecas and the Aztecs. La Malinche was viewed as a heroine during the colonial period and the first 100 years of the Mexican Republic. However, since the Revolution, appreciation of Mexico's pre-hispanic heritage has grown. She is now viewed by many as a traitor who collaborated in the ruin of the native civilizations of Mesoamerica. This is probably unfair, since she was, after all, a slave.


The Four Lords, under the coat-of-arms granted to Tlaxcala by the Spanish King. They wear Spanish crowns adorned by indigenous feathers. Under their native capes are Spanish doublets and pantaloons. The artist here was undoubtedly Spanish, or a mestizo trained in Spanish techniques. He saw the Lords through Spanish eyes rather than through the eyes of the indigenous creators of the Lienzo. The King's coat-of-arms was not just a meaningless symbol. Achieving it meant that Tlaxcala was directly accountable to the King, rather than to his subordinate officials in New Spain. This was the reward for Tlaxcala's loyal service during the Conquest. It also helped that Tlaxcala sent 400 native families to help colonize the wild northern wastes of New Spain. There, they acted as a buffer against the fierce Chichimecas. Those nomadic warriors had, for millennia, plagued the Aztecs and other pre-hispanic civilizations. Tlaxcala's native leadership struggled to maintain their political and cultural autonomy throughout the colonial period and were successful to a considerable extent.


The Colonial Era


St. Francis of Assisi, founder of the Franciscan Order of evangelizing friars.  This anonymous 18th century oil painting depicts San Francisco in a simple friar's habit. Franciscans, at least in the early days, were renowned for their adherence to the principles of simplicity and poverty. The Conquest was still underway in 1524 when the first twelve Franciscans arrived. They had the evangelization field to themselves for the first few years, until the Dominicans, Augustinians, and other Orders arrived. Several of the newly arrived Franciscans set up operations in Tlaxcala. While the conquistadors carried out the military conquest, the Franciscans engaged in what some have called a spiritual conquest. In addition to conducting mass conversions, they smashed indigenous religious statues and other symbols of "devil worship". Pre-hispanic temples were demolished and new churches built from the rubble. However, the friars also strove to protect the native people from corruption and abuse by the conquistadors. This put the Franciscans and other evangelizing orders in direct conflict with the interests of the conquistadors and other Spaniards. These adventurers and opportunists often enslaved the natives, raped their women, seized their lands, and tortured anyone who might lead them to sources of gold or silver.



Spanish bridle, typical of those used on haciendas established throughout Tlaxcala. The Crown wanted to encourage the production of food and other goods for the burgeoning gold and silver mines, as well as for newly established towns and cities. As a result, the authorities began to award small land grants, called mercedes, to conquistadors. This was intended to reward them for their service, and to provide them with gainful employment as farmers. However, it was also to keep them out of trouble, since unemployed ex-soldiers often became involved in adventurism and intrigues. As time went on, other on-the-make Spaniards began to arrive. They, too, were awarded mercedes, particularly if they had family or political connections. Due to Tlaxcala's autonomy and the efforts of the Franciscans, Tlaxcaltecas had a degree of protection from land-hungry Spaniards, unlike other native groups. However, from the earliest days of the Conquest, the indigenous population of Tlaxcala was ravaged by European diseases. Between the early 16th century and the middle of the 17th, the native population of Tlaxcala crashed by 90%. Similar dramatic declines occurred throughout New Spain. This opened vast areas to Spanish settlement, resulting in a land rush. Although the Crown had established regulations intended to inhibit the development of huge estates, the genie was out of the bottle. Nearly everyone in the Spanish community was involved in the frenzy, including corrupt public officials and churchmen. The accumulation of large land holdings, often at the expense of the native population, continued for the next 400 years. Thus were born Mexico's famous haciendas.



Ornate chair belonging to Viceroy Juan de Palafox y Mendoza. It soon became clear to the Spanish Crown that they couldn't leave New Spain in the hands of conquistadors like Hernán Cortéz. He was at heart an adventurer, not an administrator. Even his invasion of the Aztec Empire had been an act of insubordination, forgivable only because of his success. Soon, the Crown established the Audiencia, an administrative court, and then appointed the first Viceroy. The early Viceroys were men of ability and energy. They worked hard to establish a framework to govern the far-flung lands and millions of new subjects that Spain had so swiftly acquired. As a direct representative of the King, the Viceroy's job was to help develop the new colony and to combat Chichimec incursions and indigenous rebellions. He also had to reconcile the interests of the Crown, the Church, the merchant class, the hacienda owners, and the indigenous people. I list the native people last because their interests usually came last. However, the early Viceroys attempted to rectify the worst abuses against them and established regulations to prevent similar occurrences. Juan de Palafox y Mendoza (1600-1659) was a churchman who was Bishop of the Diocese of Tlaxcala and Archbishop of Mexico before he became Viceroy. As Tlaxcala's Bishop, he got into a fierce conflict with the Jesuits, who were independent of his authority. Their Order owned large haciendas in Tlaxcala and elsewhere, and they refused to pay Tlaxcala's Diocese the 10% tithe that supported the secular Church and its charitable institutions. Although Palafox lost this battle, his writings against the Jesuits were used more than a century later to justify their expulsion from New Spain and all other Spanish possessions. In addition to his church duties, Palafox held public office as Visitador (a sort of Inspector General). In this position, he charged the incumbent Viceroy with treason and corruption and had him arrested and deported to Spain. Palafox became interim Viceroy between June and November of 1642. He was the only man to ever hold the positions of Archbishop of Mexico and Viceroy simultaneously. One of his most important acts as Archbishop was to take the responsibility for evangelism away from the religious orders and give it to the secular clergy, who were responsible directly to the Bishops.



This stone lion, dated 1629, probably stood guard at a gate or grand stairway. If the 16th century was the era of Conquest, the 17th was one of consolidation. Huge tracts of land in Tlaxcala and elsewhere had come into the possession of Spaniards who had only the most tenuous legal claim to it. A lot of it was indigenous land which had belonged to villages that had been emptied by epidemics. Some of it was blatantly seized over the protests of its rightful, living, native owners. Other parts were Crown lands which had been given away by corrupt officials. The Crown had established strict rules governing the use of land granted through mercedes, but these were regularly flouted. For example, land granted for the purpose of raising crops was often turned into pasture for cattle or sheep. The epidemics had caused labor shortages in Tlaxcala (in fact, all over New Spain). Herding livestock required fewer workers than growing crops. However, this resulted in too little grain and too much meat. Land ownership was such an administrative mess that the Crown decided to establish a system by which titles to land could be legitimated. The fees charged by the Crown to do this fattened the treasury and title legitimization allowed the Crown to collect taxes more easily. By the end of the 17th century, the hacienda system was well-established and on reasonably solid legal ground. However, land in Tlaxcala and throughout New Spain was increasingly held in fewer and fewer hands.



This statue of Spanish King Carlos III originally stood in the Capilla Real de Indios. The Royal Chapel of the Indians is located on the west side of Plaza de la Constitución (see Part 1 of this series). The chapel was built so that indigenous people would have a place to worship separate from their Spanish overlords. The statue shows Carlos III (1716-1788) in military garb. It was a way to impress the natives with his power and authority. King Carlos was part of the new Bourbon Dynasty that took power in Spain in 1700. He ruled at a time when absolute monarchy was taking hold all over Europe. Carlos viewed the independence of the Jesuit Order as a threat to his rule and, in 1767, he banished the Order from Spain and all its possessions. While Carlos was definitely an absolutist, he is also recognized by historians as a relatively enlightened man who was the most effective ruler of his time. He instituted a wide range of reforms and improvements beneficial to Spain. However, many of his reforms relating to colonial matters were disliked and covertly resisted in New Spain. Criollos (Spaniards born in the colonies) viewed these changes as a way of gradually chipping away at local autonomy and colonial rights. Ultimately, Carlos' colonial reforms became one of the fundamental causes of Mexico's War of Independence (1810-1821).

This completes Part 7b of my Tlaxcala series. I hope you have enjoyed it and, if so, please leave any comments or questions in the Comments section below, or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Person of the elite class, holding a bowl. This small statue, found at the ancient city of Cantona, represents a member of the elite class. His status is indicated by cranial elongation. Binding the head of an infant, to shape the skull while it was still soft, was a process used by elite families to physically distinguish themselves from common people. Carole and I visited Cantona during our stay at Tlaxcala. The ruins of the ancient city are located in Puebla State, in a remote, high desert area. Cantona was not only one of the largest of Mesoamerica's ancient cities, but its longevity is almost unmatched--from 600 BC to 1050 AD. My interest was particularly piqued by its remote location and because it is one of the least-visited of Mexico's ancient cities. Oddly, despite its size, longevity, and obvious importance, few modern chronologies of the pre-hispanic world even mention its existence. In this posting, I will provide an overview of Cantona's long history, including the most recent scientific research on the causes of its decline and fall. In subsequent postings, I will focus on the city's unique clusters of pyramids, palaces, ball courts, and living areas, and intersperse my photos of these with some of the beautiful artifacts located in the museum adjacent to the ruins.


Overview


Cantona is located in a broad, rolling, high-desert landscape, dotted with extinct volcanos. There are some small farms and ranches scattered about this large area, along with a few pueblos here and there, but most of the country looks pretty much like this. Until the Classic Era ended around 600 AD, the climate here was somewhat wetter. However, it did not compare to the lush terrain of the central Valley of Mexico, where so many other civilizations flourished. Still, there were important resources here and some of them related to numerous volcanos like the one seen above. Volcanic rock was plentiful, light, and easily shaped for building purposes. Of critical importance was the volcanic glass (obsidian) which could be crafted into tools and other useful objects. In addition to mineral resources, there were animals. Archeologists analyzed bones found in the ruins and identified three species of deer, two of turtles, collared peccaries, mountain lions, coyotes, wolves, and rabbits. Plants such as yucca, maguey, and nopal cactus all provided sources of food and other useable products such as fibers from yucca and maguey spines for needles. The nearby mountains also contained abundant pine and oak forests which provided building materials.

Map of the major excavated structures in the city. The site covers at least 12 square kilometers and only about 10% (some say as little as 1%) has been excavated. A Google satellite view of the areas surrounding the excavated structures reveals the outlines of huge numbers of unexcavated ruins extending out in all directions. Even in the excavated areas, there are many mounds which contain large, unrevealed structures. Archeologists have barely scratched the surface. Cantona can reached via the 140D cuota (toll road) in northeast Puebla State. At the exit for Tepeyahualco, head north on a two-lane, black-top road for about 8 km (5 mi). On the map above, the black-top road can be seen in the lower left corner. The well-marked turn-off leads you to the parking lot of the site museum. I recommend checking it out before walking the site. There is an Archeological Zone fee of $60 pesos ($3.20 USD). For a separate fee, local guides can be hired outside the museum. The site is open 7 days a week from 9am-6pm. However, the museum is only open Wednesday-Sunday from 9am-6pm.


The path from the museum leads to the beginning of one of the ancient city's streets. It ascends a long ridge, taking you up through the pre-hispanic residential neighborhoods built on either side. Ultimately, you come out on top of a broad plateau, called the Acropolis. This area has many clusters of pyramids, ball courts, and palaces. These clusters, and the astonishing number of ball courts they contain, make Cantona unique. From the Acropolis, and especially from the tops of its pyramids, you have a breathtaking view of desert landscape and extinct volcanos. Unlike many other pyramids in Mexico, you are allowed to climb these. Anyone who tours the ruins should wear good hiking boots or shoes and carry some water. People with limited mobility should probably not attempt a walk through the site.

Formative Period and Cantona I

Faces and figures from the Formative period. Oddly, while the people of this period produced many sculptures of humans, the inhabitants of later times did not. In addition to the several small faces above, some with interesting head dresses, there are two female figures, both headless. The purpose of these figures is not known, but they may have had ritual functions. The very first people to settle in the area arrived around 1000 BC. They cultivated small farms and established tiny pueblos. Very early in the Formative period, the inhabitants began to mine the large obsidian deposits located only 9 km (5.6 mi) to the north, in the Zaragoza Mountains.


Some of the obsidian tools found at Cantona. Obsidian can be brought to a level of sharpness that exceeds modern surgical instruments. The volcanic glass is hard, but it can be flaked into various shapes using stone or bone tools. The result can be used for knives and scrapers, as well as for tips on weapons such as arrows and spear heads. Such tools and weapons can be produced in a remarkably short time by those skilled in the technique. All of this meant that, from the earliest times, obsidian was highly valued in pre-hispanic societies. Control of large obsidian deposits gave a society a significant economic advantage, equivalent to a modern country which possesses large oil deposits within its territory. Like oil, obsidian was produced for trade, as well as for local use. Cantona was ideally placed for trade, since it straddled several ancient trade routes. One extended from the Gulf Coast to the Valley of Mexico, while others ran south into the Oaxaca area and north into the Huastec country. Archeologists have found evidence that many of Cantona's structures contained workshops for the production of obsidian objects, much of it intended for export. Large deposits of obsidian and a strategic location were probably the two most important factors in Cantona's rise to power and its longevity as a society.


Part of a residential compound, showing the platforms on which dwellings were erected. This residence, known as Patio #2, is part way up the ridge but below the Acropolis. It was once the home of a large, multi-generational family of perhaps 15-20 people. These were people who, in the social structure of Cantona, fell between the common farmers and obsidian mine workers who lived in the flatlands and the elites who lived on the Acropolis. The perishable structures which once stood on top of the platforms have long-since vanished. The compound includes areas for sleeping, cooking, and lounging, as well for civic and religious ceremonies. There is a small shrine in one of the structures and another contains a tomb. By 600 BC, the beginning of a period known as Cantona I, development had accelerated and the population had grown to about 12,000 people, concentrated in an area of about 333 hectares (823 acres). Platforms like those above came into use at this time. Centrally controlled grain silos were built to store crop surpluses. Large scale obsidian mining began and state-controlled workshops to shape it into useful objects appeared.

Another development of Cantona I was the pyramid/ball court cluster. Above, you see Ball Court Cluster #6, one of the oldest of the ball court clusters found in Cantona. The ball court is in the middle-ground, with the playing area composed of the level rectangular area, as well as the sloping walls on either side of it. The pyramid in the background is part of the group of structures that forms the "cluster". Most pre-hispanic cities had one to three ball courts, but some had a few more. By the end of  the Cantona I era, the city had 16 courts with and additional 8 built in later centuries! This astonishing number is one of the unique features of the city. The ball game was very important to pre-hispanic cultures. No doubt, it had some utility as simple entertainment, but the game's political and religious functions were of far greater importance. The contests were sometimes used to settle internal political disputes, or even conflicts between city-states. On a religious level, the struggle between the two teams represented the duality of the cosmos. They were stand-ins for the ongoing struggle between the forces of light and darkness, of daily reality and the underworld. The entire affair was very ritualized and often members of one team or the other were sacrificed at the end of a game. Whether it was the winners or the losers is a matter of dispute among archeologists, as are the number of players and the exact rules of the game.


The pyramid at the north end of the ball court faces a sunken patio and an altar. The exact make-up of the 12 identified clusters varies. Among those excavated, each includes a ball court at one end and at least one pyramid at the other, often with an altar at the base of its staircase. Separating the court and pyramid are one or more sunken patios, sometimes with other platforms or structures on either side of the patios. Each cluster forms a discrete unit. Along with the staggering number of courts, this cluster arrangement is another unique feature of Cantona. Six of these clusters were constructed by the end of Cantona I. Not all of the ball courts were functional at the same time. For example Ball Court Cluster #6 went out of use and was abandoned long before the city itself. While it was in use, it had a drainage system to carry off water, possibly for storage. All during the Cantona I period, population continued to grow, increasing to 20,000 by 450 BC, with further expansion in later centuries.

Classic Era - Cantona II

One of Cantona's many walled streets winds through a terraced area leading to the Acropolis. Another striking feature of Cantona is its complex network of paved and walled streets. Most were narrow and hemmed in by thick, high walls on either side. The streets don't allow room for more than two men abreast, This was the result of a deliberate and well-thought-out defensive strategy. The purpose was to control the movements of the population, as well as to defend the city by channeling the attacks of enemy warriors into ambushes. Further, the placement of the elite area atop the steep-sided Acropolis is no coincidence. This location provided protection from both internal unrest and external attack. All this enabled Cantona to survive 1,600 years of internal unrest, invasions by the northern barbarians known as Chichimecs, and wars with rival city-states. The period known as Cantona II (50 AD - 600 AD) corresponds the rise of the Teotihuacán Empire, another serious threat that Cantona managed to survive and, ultimately, to outlive.


Selection of elite goods from the Cantona II era. In the back row are two interesting pots. The one on the right is in the shape of a dancer's foot, with rattles around the ankles. In between the pots is a conch shell, emblematic of Cantona's role as a trading center, since the city was located far from either Coast. The front row contains the same statue pictured at the beginning of this posting. In the middle is a large, polished green stone, a possible import from Guerrero on the Pacific Coast.  To its right is a elegant, heart-shaped bowl or tray. Cantona II was a period of great activity and social complexity. Trade with other city-states, including Teotihuacán, grew dramatically. Obsidian was the city's chief resource for trading and the exploitation of the mines grew in size and efficiency.


Cluster #10 - The Palace. The Palace Cluster includes two pyramids, a ball court, two large sunken plazas, and high status living areas. In the center of the plaza is a small, square, stone altar. Archeologists consider the Palace to be the living quarters of the top echelon. It was also the administrative nerve center and chief civic-ceremonial area for the whole city. All of Cantona's construction was stone-on-stone, using no mortar. This means that the stones had to be cut and fitted with special care for the structures to survive for millennia. This is yet another of the city's unique features. To get a sense of scale, you can see Carole just left of center, sitting by a staircase leading up a set of terraces. Looming in the background is the volcano seen in the second photo of this posting. During Cantona II, the city more than tripled in size 1,100 hectares (2,718 acres). By 400 AD, the population had expanded to 64,000 inhabitants. At least 20 ball courts were in operation and 10 of these were associated with the clusters.


Various jewelry worn by Cantona's elite class. The greenstone necklaces are associated with the military caste. They originated from the Guerrero coast, possibly from the ancient city of Xihuacán. The earrings and pendants, carved from conch shells, came from either the Atlantic or Pacific Coasts. Only people of wealth and power wore such adornments. Also present are cylinders made from puma bones. There were once part of staffs carried by people of authority as symbols of their power,

Epi-Classic Era

Defaced statue indicates a violent change of regime. The era known as Cantona III (600 AD - 950 AD) began with a violent incident that radically changed the character of the city's leadership. For a thousand years or more, Cantona had been ruled by a priestly caste. Suddenly, the military staged a coup-d'etat and the priests were out. You may recall from my series on Teotihuacán that a similar coup appears to have happened there around 450 AD. Just as had happened in Teotihuacán 150 years before, statues of deities at Cantona were defaced, broken into pieces, and their remains deposited in the ground, along with the staffs of power carried by the priests. The reasons for this regime change are unclear. However, about 100 years before the coup, the climate at Cantona had started to change, leading to a much dryer environment. Perhaps the failure of the priestly class to ensure enough rain for good harvests led to unrest in the population. Modern-day military coups have often occurred during times of economic distress and political turmoil. Another interesting possibility involves the fall of Teotihuacán in 650 AD. Archeologists believe its domination of Mesoamerican trade routes was challenged by rising powers like Cantona, Cacaxtla, and Xochicalco. Perhaps Cantona's warrior caste saw the the priests as standing in the way of an opportunity. If the military men were in charge, they could tighten Cantona's control over the trade routes and squeeze Teotihuacán. Much of pre-hispanic history is like a jigsaw puzzle, showing tantalizing outlines, but with all too many pieces missing.

Pyramid of the East Plaza complex. This pyramid is at the highest point of the Acropolis. A climb to the top provides a stupendous 360 degree view of the surrounding desert. The East Plaza complex was built during the Cantona III phase. It runs on an east-west axis, and includes a ball court, a second pyramid, and a sunken plaza. Around 650 AD (the beginning of the Epi-Classic Era), the the city reached its peak of population (93,000) and physical size (1,453 hectares or 3,590 acres). During this period, the city played an active role in the political and economic competition among Epi-Classic city-states. Cantona's wealth and strategic location for trade made it a target of the jealousy of city-states like Cacaxtla and Xochicalco. However, Cantona's remote location, along the strength of its defenses, helped the desert city outlive these competitors by 150 years, just as it had outlived Teotihuacán.


Elite living area on the Acropolis. The elites lived in walled compounds not unlike those who had a lesser status. However, their homes were on the Acropolis level, not below it, and tend to be larger. The elite compounds are interspersed among the clusters of pyramids and ball courts and around the civic areas. In the photo above you can see the raised platform where a family's house once stood. It stands in front of a flagstone patio where much of the household activity would have taken place. The families living in these compounds would have been those of nobles, top officials, priests, and military leaders.



Cantona's various structures were decorated with stone carvings. Unlike other pre-hispanic cities, Cantona favored carved stone rather than stucco for decorations. The design above shows two intertwined snakes, a common symbolic element. Another difference with other cities is Cantona's asymmetry. Elsewhere, urban design tends to be on a strict north-south-east-west plan, with structures symmetrically facing each other across plazas. Here, the pyramid/ball court clusters face in a variety of directions and the layout of buildings varies around each of the plazas. The reasons why Cantona's design is so different are not clear.


Cantona IV- decline and fall

By the end of Cantona III, in 900 AD, the climate was much drier and warmer. When the drying period began about 500 AD, the first result was an increase in Cantona's population. This might, at first, seem surprising. The explanation is that life became increasingly difficult in the outlying rural areas and people sought food and protection in the city. However, this was no short-term drought. The environmental difficulties gradually increased, causing the priestly caste to lose credibility and triggering the military takeover in 600 AD. Cantona's strategic location on the trade routes enabled it to maintain its strength for the next several centuries, but the drying trend continued.


Skull of an elite inhabitant, showing the cranial elongation. Life had become very hard by 900 AD, even for the elites. Water sources were drying up, harvests were failing, and trade was dropping off. Cities like Cacaxtla and Xochicalco were abandoned about this time. Even so, Cantona lasted another 150 years. However, Cantona IV (900 AD - 1050 AD), was a period of steady decline. An indication of this can be seen in how construction practices changed. Houses were no longer built upon stone platforms, but on the bare earth. Cantona's extraordinary lifespan had lasted a millennium and a half, bridging the great gulf of time between the Olmec Era and the early beginnings of the Aztecs. But, by the end of Cantona IV, the city was empty and abandoned.

As I stood on the summit of one of Cantona's pyramids, surveying the vast, volcano-dotted desert, I was struck by the silence of this once proud, rich, and bustling place. The poem Ozymandias, by Percy Bysshe Shelley came to mind:

I met a traveller from an antique land
Who said: “Two vast and trunkless legs of stone
Stand in the desert . . . Near them, on the sand,
Half sunk, a shattered visage lies, whose frown,
And wrinkled lip, and sneer of cold command,
Tell that its sculptor well those passions read
Which yet survive, stamped on these lifeless things,
The hand that mocked them, and the heart that fed:
And on the pedestal these words appear:
‘My name is Ozymandias, king of kings:
Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!'
Nothing beside remains. Round the decay
Of that colossal wreck, boundless and bare
The lone and level sands stretch far away.”

This concludes the first of several parts on Cantona. I hope you have enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Main pyramid of Ball Court Cluster #7, viewed from its right side. Archeologists have identified twenty-seven ball courts at Cantona. This represents more than twice as many as any other pre-hispanic city in Mesoamerica, most of which have only one to three courts. Another unique aspect of the city are its twelve "clusters". Each of these include a ball court, one or more pyramids, and one or two plazas, along with various platforms, altars, stelae, and other structures. Eight of the twelve clusters have been fully unearthed and I took hundreds of photos of them. I obviously couldn't use more than a fraction of my photos for this blog so I decided against walking you through each of the clusters. Instead, I will focus on Ball Court Cluster #7 because it is the largest and most complex example of Cantona's clusters. As I take you through this site, please keep in mind that there are eleven other clusters, and twenty-six other ball courts scattered around the 66 hectares (163 acres) of the Acropolis.


Overview

Schematic of Ball Court Cluster #7. This is the largest cluster at Cantona. At the very top (east end) is the main pyramid with two levels of staircases leading to its top. Below the pyramid is a large plaza containing a small altar. Cluster #7 contains two plazas and only two of the other clusters share that distinction. The second plaza is smaller than the first and is separated from it by a raised area with staircases that allow transit. The bottom area of the schematic, below the second plaza, is a complex section containing a long, narrow corridor in the shape of a capital "I", with three dots along its length. That is the ball court. Just below the ball court is a defensive fortification that appears like a kind of nipple extending down. In addition to its large number of ball courts and cluster arrangements, another unique feature of Cantona is its deliberate asymmetry. Most other pre-hispanic cities are symmetrically laid out along a strict north-south-east-west axis. Their layout is associated with astronomical cycles and religious beliefs about the four cardinal directions. At Cantona, not only is the overall urban layout asymmetrical, but the individual elements within the various clusters, including #7, also lack internal symmetry. Archeologists believe that this is a deliberate arrangement. The positions of astronomical bodies cyclicly change from one equinox or solstice to another, and the orientation of the various structures appears to reflect these changes. In this posting, I will take you through the schematic above, beginning at the very bottom, or west end, of the site. For a Google satellite view of Ball Court Cluster #7, click here.


The rectangular space above, enclosed by stone walls, is a defensive fortification. This structure, at the extreme west end of the cluster, was added some time after the other sections had been constructed. Such fortifications reflect a growing sense of threat, either from external sources or from internal unrest.  At the far end, you can see a long rectangular corridor with sloping sides, covered by reddish pine needles. That is the ball court.


The Ball Court complex

The ball court schematic. The defensive fortification is at the bottom and the playing field starts just above it and extends up in the shape of a capital I. On the left side of the schematic is a square, enclosed area called a recinto. On either side of the long corridor with the three dots are sloping walls, also part of the playing area. Spectators sat along the top of the sloping walls, as well as in some of the structures at the schematic's top (east end) that form the boundary with the smaller plaza.


Balls were made of hard rubber, obtained from trees growing in the hot, low, coastal areas. The Olmecs (1500 BC - 400 BC) have been called Mesoamerica's "Mother of Civilizations" because so much of pre-hispanic culture originated with them, including the ball game. Their homeland was the Gulf Coast, where the rubber was gathered to make the balls. From there, the game migrated, probably along Olmec trade routes. Eventually, versions of it came to be played as far south as Honduras and as far north as Arizona in the US. One version, called ulama is still played in Sinaloa, in modern Mexico. The balls of the ancient game varied from about the size of a grapefruit to that of a soccer ball (like the one above). Some ancient relief carvings and murals depict players using balls as big or bigger than a beach ball, but this was probably the result of artistic exaggeration. The balls were quite heavy and players had to wear thick, leather armor around their mid-sections and on their heads to avoid injury, or even death, if struck by a ball.


The playing area included both the flat rectangular corridor and the sloping walls. The "dots" on the schematic are revealed here as flat pieces of stone, arranged together as disks. Signs at the site describe them as "goals" but it is not clear exactly what that means. The specific rules of the ancient game are not fully understood, nor are the strategies the players used to win. In Xochicalco and other cities that were Cantona's Epi-Classic Era contemporaries (650 AD - 900 AD), stone rings were mounted on the walls on either side at the mid-point of the court. One way of scoring involved passing the ball through the ring. However, no such rings are evident in the courts at Cantona, so the rules apparently differed from place to place, and may have evolved over time. The games were not simple entertainment, but were deeply religious in nature and steeped in ritual. The court here is closely aligned with the equinox, an astronomical event which was used, along with the solstice, to schedule planting and harvesting. However, that was by no means the only ritual function associated with the game.


These large stone phalluses were found buried in the playing field. They are about .66 m (2 ft) tall. Such phallic symbols are quite common in pre-hispanic societies and represent fertility and the act of sowing. In pre-hispanic beliefs, the earth was feminine and rain was divine semen fertilizing it.


Stela mounted at the top of the north wall of the court. This monument marks the mid-point of the playing field.  In the recinto behind it, human remains were discovered, including those of a child wearing a jade necklace. The sacrifice of children was a common offering to Tlaloc, the rain god. Their tears were believed to be a pure representation of rain. In addition, the child's necklace was jade and the Nahuatl word for jade is chalchihuite, which can also mean "drop of precious water".


Skull of sacrificed man also found in the recinto. This is another example of the strong linkage between Cantona's ball courts and human sacrifice. The large hole in the back side of this man's head testifies to his violent end. It is unknown whether he was a player, or simply a captive brought to a ball game for this purpose. Such acts were viewed as critical to ensuring an adequate food supply. Blood represented the essence of the universe. The gods had shed theirs in the process of creating the world. Returning the favor with human blood was a way of encouraging the gods to provide adequate rain, soil fertility, and good harvests. In the view of pre-hispanic people, no offering was more valuable than human life itself.


Made of razor-sharp obsidian, knives like this had multiple uses during sacrifices. They were used to cut out living hearts, for decapitation, and for the post-sacrifice dismemberment of a body. All this seems grisly and cruel to a modern sensibility and it no doubt seemed that way to the victim at the time. However, the beliefs of pre-hispanic people appear to have been sincere. Drought, crop failures, and famine were realities to these people. Particularly in Cantona's high desert environment, the margin of survival was thin if the rains failed. For millennia, people had been worshiping and making sacrifices to Tlaloc and his early predecessor, the Storm God. Today, even with weather satellites, we still cannot perfectly predict the weather, much less control it. The ancients did the best they could with what they had.

The Second Plaza

The Second Plaza is also known as the Plaza of the Balcony. Some of the structures on its north and east sides were apparently built to provide the best views of the ball game, kind of like theatre boxes. There is a small military post on the lower right (southwest) corner. This may have been built around the same time as the fortifications on the west end of the ball court. On the upper (west) side of the plaza are stairs that lead up to the Main Plaza.


The Plaza of the Balcony, viewed from the east end of the ball court. On the the right side of the photo, in the center, you can see the stairs leading up and  over the structure that separates the two plazas. The left (north) side of the Plaza of the Balcony is occupied by a series of terraces and steps leading up to one of the so-called "balconies".


Plaza of the Balcony, looking west toward the ball court. The photo was taken from the top of the steps leading to the Main Plaza. On the right (north) side are the terraces leading to the balcony.


Main Plaza and Pyramid


The Main Plaza, also known as the Grand Square, is the larger of the two plazas. At the top (east) side is the Main Pyramid with its two staircases leading to its summit. Just in front of the lower staircase is the double altar. At the bottom (west) side is the staircase leading to the Plaza of the Balcony. On the north, south, and west sides are more sets of terraces, built like stadium seats. A small pyramid overlooks the northwest corner of the plaza. A total of nine sets of stairs are located around the plaza, more than are found in any other cluster's plaza.

The Main Pyramid, with the double altar in front. The ceremonies conducted here were closely related to the ball game. It is possible that the winners were paraded here and cheered by the people gathered on the steps and terraces surrounding the plaza. Various kinds of sacrifices were offered at the altar.


A smooth stela stands at the very bottom of the pyramid's staircase. The purpose of the stela is unknown. There are no carvings on it, and the artisans at Cantona did not use stucco designs on stelae. At other pre-hispanic cities, stelae are usually covered with glyphs commemorating rulers, victories, and important dates. This one is a mystery.


Human remains were also found in the walls of the Main Pyramid. They were apparently victims buried here after their sacrifice. These discoveries, as well as other burials throughout the city, tell us a great deal about the beliefs of the city's inhabitants. However, the human remains also open a window on the health and physical condition of the people who lived here. For example, we know that the average height of men was 1.62 m (5' 3"). For women it was 1.55 m (5' 1"). Examination of teeth revealed a wear pattern showing that people were eating foods processed on stone metates, which left tiny bits of stone mixed with the food. The caries (cavities) in the teeth indicate a diet high in carbohydrates. The carbs probably came from the maiz (corn) and seeds ground on the metates. Osteoporosis was common due to a lack of calcium. The average lifespan was 25-35 years. Mortality was high among infants and juveniles and particularly among women of reproductive age.


A small, double altar stands in the plaza a few feet from the base of the pyramid's staircase. This style of altar later became popular throughout ancient Mexico. It is the major focal point of the Grand Square and was the site of offerings to the gods, probably including human sacrifice.


Small obsidian knives like these were used in a practice known as "auto-sacrifice". Not all sacrifices involving humans were fatal or even involuntary. Since human blood was considered essential to the functioning of the cosmos, people sometimes offered their own blood. Auto-sacrifice involved cutting or piercing soft parts of the body, such as the tongue or the genitals. The devices used included small obsidian knives, as well as the spines from the maguey plant or the stingers of manta rays. The practice produced blood but, as you might imagine, also a considerable amount of pain. In turn, this often produced a trance-like state during which the individual could enter the underworld and make contact with the gods.


View from the top of the Main Pyramid, looking southwest. The terraced south wall of the Great Sqaure forms the boundary of Cluster #7. Beyond it are more terraces and pyramids, as well as other clusters. The large structure in the distance on the left is call El Palacio (The Palace). To its right is a pyramid that overlooks Cantona's Central Plaza, known as the Plaza de la Fertilización (Fertility Plaza). We will look at these areas in a future posting.


The view to the northwest includes the small pyramid bordering the north wall. Beyond this boundary of the Great Square, you see what appears to be open, yucca-covered desert. However, concealed in the yucca are thousands of closely packed structures, separated by an intricate street network. There are more ball court clusters with pyramids and plazas, as well as residences, workshops, fortifications and more.


View to the southeast from the pyramid's top. In the foreground is a small pyramid associated with another ball court cluster. Behind it, in the distance, another pyramid/plaza complex rises. Interspersed with all of this ancient architecture are numerous unexcavated mounds of rubble that conceal still more structures. The architecture that has been revealed at Cantona is overwhelming, but one must keep in mind that all this represents only 10%--and possibly as little as 1%--of what is here.

This completes Part 2 of my Cantona series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, that you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below, or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section PLEASE leave your email address so I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Cantona's largest pyramid overlooks the Plaza of Fertility. These structures are part of a civic, religious, and administrative complex that lies just south of Ball Game Cluster #7 (see previous posting). The proximity of Cluster #7 suggests that it played a part in the functions of the overall complex. If you open a separate screen page and click here, you will see a Google satellite image showing how all these structures relate to one another. An ancient street passes through the image diagonally from west to east (left to right) and separates Cluster #7 (north of the street) from the rest of the complex to its south. In this posting we will look at the Fertility Plaza (far left in the satellite image), the South Plaza and its pyramid (left of center at bottom), and the Palace and its attached pyramid (bottom center stretching to the right). All of these structures lie to the south of the ancient street. A precipitous escarpment, marked by the dark green vegetation at its base, runs west to east along the bottom of the satellite image. The escarpment forms the southern edge of the Acropolis, a plateau which contains the elite ceremonial area.


Plaza of Fertility, its pyramid, and its ball court

Schematic of the Fertility Plaza, pyramid, and ball court. The geographic orientation is west (top) to east (bottom). The Plaza of Fertility is the large, open, sunken square at the bottom. It has a small stone structure in its center and a set of stairs leading down into the square from its east end. Above the Plaza is the pyramid, with a grand staircase leading up to its summit. Along the left (south) side of the pyramid is the ball court, shaped like a capital "I".
View of the Fertility Plaza and pyramid, looking west. The small square of rocks in the foreground is duplicated by another in the center of the Plaza. These served some ceremonial purpose, possibly as altars. Just beyond the nearest rock square is the top of the stairs leading down into the Plaza of Fertility. The right and left (north and south) sides of the sunken Plaza are delimited by stepped walls. The east side is bordered by the Palace, where I was standing when I took the photo. When archeologists excavated the top of the pyramid, they discovered a variety of offerings, including human and deer bones, as well as ceramics, stones, and shells. Also present was a "tool kit" containing two long, thin, obsidian flakes called prismatic blades, as well as a variety of other razor-sharp obsidian cutting tools. The human bones show cut marks and signs of having been boiled. All this points to human sacrifice, dismemberment, and ritual cannibalism. These activities would have been part of fertility ceremonies conducted atop the pyramid by priests and other members of the elite.


Small altar at the bottom of the pyramid's staircase. This has been described by archeologists as part of a "mask" representing a deity, although I confess I can't quite make it out. The summit of the pyramid was not the only area where evidence of human sacrifice was discovered. Excavation of the staircase revealed human skulls and long bones along with tranchets, which are curved obsidian blades probably used to de-flesh bones.


The Fertility Plaza, looking northeast from the left corner of the pyramid. In the upper right are the terraces that lead up to the Palace. Under the floor of the plaza, more human bones were discovered, with more evidence of cannibalism. Also present were prismatic blades of the sort used in non-lethal (but quite painful) voluntary bloodletting. During a ritual called auto-sacrifice, priests and other elites cut or pierced their own tongues, earlobes or penises in order to produce blood to encourage the fertility of the earth. Why blood? Well, the ancients believed that the gods had shed their own blood to create both the earth and human beings. Blood sacrifices were seen as a way of returning the favor and ensuring good harvests.


Other evidence of fertility rites includes large stone phallic sculptures. Nine of these were found buried in the floor of the Plaza of Fertility. Similar phallic sculptures were found in the main plaza of the nearby Ball Court Cluster #7. Adequate precipitation was the critical element for growing maiz (corn), the staple of the Mesoamerican diet. Rain was seen as divine semen, fertilizing the earth, hence the phallic sculptures.


Huehueteotl, the Fire God, holding a skull between his knees. This statue of the Fire God was created between 50 and 600 AD, the period known as Cantona II. The statue was dug up in the Plaza of Fertility near the foot of the pyramid. We don't know for sure what the people at Cantona called the Fire God (or even what they called themselves). However, the Aztecs called him Huehueteotl, the "Old, Old, God". Whatever the name, his image has been the same, from the earliest times, all over Mesoamerica. He is always portrayed as a wrinkled, hunched-over old man, in a seated position, with his hands on his knees and a tray on his head. In the tray, lit coals or copal incense would be burned. Control of fire was the first great step for humankind in its quest for mastery over the natural world. Fire represented both a powerful tool and a dangerous force, and this naturally suggested an otherworldly explanation. The Fire God is probably the oldest of all gods, since the control of fire pre-dates agriculture and thus also pre-dates the Storm God (later known as Tlaloc, the Rain God). The Fire God was tied into the Mesoamerican calendar system, in which a holy 260-day year and a secular 360-day year were linked together in a 52-year cycle. At the end of the cycle, the New Fire Ceremony was conducted. All existing fires were extinguished until the appropriate sacrifices were made, including that of humans. At that point, the chief priest ignited a new fire in his temple and, from it, fire would be carried out to all the households.


A ball court stands along the left side of the Plaza of Fertility's pyramid. Its placement here probably has to do with the nature of the terrain. Not far to the left of the ball court, an escarpment drops vertically 10 meters (30 ft) to the level the elite neighborhoods. As discussed in Part 2 of this series, ball courts were also closely related to fertility and good harvests.


The flat surface of the ball court's playing area is in the shape of a capital "I". The sloping walls were also part of the playing field. Although the precise rules of the game seem to have varied from place to place, it is believed there were generally two to four players on a side. The ball game somewhat resembled volleyball, in that the idea was to keep the ball in play. It could not be touched by hands or feet and the primary method of moving it was to strike it with the shoulders, thighs, or hips. Aside from its entertainment value, the game was a metaphor for the ongoing struggle between the cosmic forces of light and darkness. The ball represented the sun and stars moving across the sky, which created the seasons during which planting and harvesting occurred.


Pot representing Tlaloc, the Rain God. He looks pretty fed up, probably because he hasn't been served his favorite food, human blood. Tlaloc had several helpers, called the Tlaloque, whose job it was to produce rain by breaking large clay pots of water, like the one above. The ancients believed that the sound of thunder was produced when the pots were broken.



Platforms and terraces that once contained elite homes. The view here is from the top of the pyramid, looking down on the elite area below the escarpment. The size of the platforms in the upper left suggests that some of the homes were quite substantial. However, since they were made of perishable materials, nothing remains but the stone platforms themselves.


South Plaza and its Altar and Pyramid

Schematic showing the South Plaza, its pyramid, and the Palace terraces. The South Plaza is the large square area at the bottom containing a stepped altar. To its right is its pyramid. Just above the South Plaza is a slightly smaller sunken plaza. This is part of the Palace Complex, which has terraces bordering the top and right sides of the sunken plaza.


The South Plaza, its altar, and pyramid. These structures, although they are a distinct unit, are directly adjacent to the palace and may have formed part of the Palace Complex.  The pyramid's summit contains the remains of what was either a temple or a residence. If the latter, it was probably the habitation of a very high official, perhaps the chief priest. Regardless of the pyramid's possible residential purposes, this plaza was clearly for ceremonial purposes, particularly given the presence of the large altar. The typical Mesoamerican palace tended to combine residential, civic, ceremonial, and administrative functions.


The grand staircase of the pyramid demonstrates Cantona's unique building styles. Unlike those in other Mesoamerican cities, Cantona'sstone structures use no mortar. The stones were carefully cut and placed upon one another, with the gaps filled in by small rocks. It is a testimony to the skill of the ancient architects that the buildings have survived not only as much as 1600 years of use, but an additional 1100 years since they were abandoned. Another difference is that, unlike the other cities, Cantona's walls were not stuccoed smooth and then painted. Instead, the stone surfaces were left bare, with different kinds and colors of rock used to decorate them. In the pyramid above, you can see smooth, light-colored, cantera stone on the stairs and on the vertical part of the lowest of the pyramid's stepped levels. The balustrades on either side of the staircase, as well as the upper stepped-levels, were constructed with tezontle, a rougher volcanic stone with a darker color. The low walls bordering the other three sides of the South Plaza are similarly decorated. This unique style may have been due to local geology. Volcanic stone is plentiful here, but limestone for stucco is scarce. In addition, this desert area's limited wood supply would have made it difficult to create stucco, which requires large amounts of firewood to burn limestone. Still another of Cantona's unique aspects is that, unlike most of its contemporaries, the city-state seems to have deliberately fended off most of Teotihuacán's cultural influences. Even though an example of the talud y tablero architectural style, popularized by Teotihuacán, can be seen along the bottom of the pyramid above, it is one of the few to be found at Cantona. And, in fact, talud y tablero actually pre-dates Teotihuacán, as does Cantona itself. The style could well have been adopted at Cantona before Teotihuacán's rise to power and influence.


View from the top of the South Plaza's pyramid. The mountain ridge on the upper right is named Cerro de las Águilas (Hill of the Eagles). Below the pyramid's summit, you can see most of the plaza as well as the two-level altar and its steps. The vista of desert and mountains is grand. If a high priest lived atop this pyramid, he certainly enjoyed a spectacular view from his front porch. Just beyond the plaza's south and west boundary walls, seen in the middle ground, are a series of terraces which drop down the slope in steps.


The terraces below the boundary walls of the South Plaza. These terraces are large enough that they might have been occupied by dwellings or administrative offices. Cantona's architects made creative use of every possible feature of the terrain. Their conformance to the vagaries of the terrain further differentiates them from their contemporaries in other Mesoamerican cities, who adhered more rigidly to the concept of symmetry.



View of the Fertility Plaza pyramid from the top of the South Plaza pyramid. Running diagonally across the photo is the three-step wall bordering the north side of the South Plaza. In the middle of the wall is a small staircase leading up to the sunken plaza that is a part of the Palace Complex.


The Palace Complex


View of the Palace terraces from atop the Fertility Plaza's pyramid. In the foreground is the Fertility plaza. In the upper right, framed by the volcano, is the South Plaza pyramid. Various perishable structures once covered the tops of the terraced areas.


The sunken plaza in front of the Palace. The purpose of this plaza is not clear, but it could have been used for smaller civic gatherings such as a priestly council. It could also have functioned as a place for the residents of the Palace to work or just sit and socialize and admire the view. These uses were not mutually exclusive.

View to the north from the top of the Plaza's terraces. Here, you can get a sense of how the architects used asymmetry in their building practices to cope with the uneven terrain. In the middle distance is the Ball Court Cluster #7. The area beyond appears to be open, yucca covered desert. However, hidden among the yucca are thousands of house platforms, walls, streets, and alleyways. To get a sense of how densely packed these structures are, click here on this Google satellite map.


View to the northeast from from the top of the terraces. In the upper left is Cluster #7's pyramid. In the center of the photo is a staircase that leads up to another part of the Palace Complex.


View to the west along the main street that separates the Palace from Ball Court Cluster #7. To the left are terraces leading up to the Palace. In the upper right is the small military post built during the Cantona III period when fortification and militarization intensified. This street was one of the main avenues that transected Cantona from west to east.


Terraces of the Palace from the main street. This section is a long, semi-rectangular construction with the sunken plaza on one end and a pyramid on the other. As stated before, it would have served multiple uses, including residential, civic, and ceremonial.


Pyramid at the east end of the Palace Complex, viewed from its north side. The pyramid faces west over another sunken plaza. This structure is much larger than the pyramid that overlooks the South Plaza and is more likely to be a temple than a residence. In my next posting we'll take a look at the elite neighborhoods just below the Acropolis, as well as more "middle class" homes lower down the slope. I'll show a number of interesting artifacts that illustrate the daily lives of the inhabitants of Cantona.

This completes Part 3 of my Cantona series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, that you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below. If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

View of an elite neighborhood from atop one of the pyramids on the Acropolis. In this posting, we'll take a look at Cantona's elite and middle-class neighborhoods, as well as some of the artifacts recovered from them. I don't have many photos of working-class neighborhoods. Even though they amount to as much as 90% of Cantona's structures, the working-class areas have, so far, received little archeological attention. However, this Google satellite photo  shows the working-class neighborhoods west of the Acropolis. In the picture above, an elite neighborhood stretches out toward a pyramid in the distance. This area contains a large number of closely-packed household compounds. Each of the compounds contains one or more platforms which formed the foundations of houses made of perishable structures of wood and thatch. In front of some of the platforms are patios paved with cobblestones. Surrounding each compound are stone walls and between these walls are narrow, cobblestone lanes allowing passage between compounds and from one part of the neighborhood to another.

Cantona's middle class neighborhoods

One of Cantona's many unique aspects is its complex network of paved streets. Although we don't know this street's ancient name, it has been dubbed Calzada (Avenue) #2 by archeologists. It is one of more than 500 avenues, streets, lanes, and alleyways that connect all parts of what was once a densely packed city of 90,000. The point where I took this shot, at the bottom of the ridge that rises up to Cantona's Acropolis, was once a working class neighborhood. The stairway leads up to the middle class and elite areas. A person's social status was roughly equivalent to the altitude of his/her home. At the bottom level, both socially and in terms of terrain, were the working class, the largest group in the population. Higher up the slope lived the middle class, comprised of  lower-level priests, warriors, highly skilled artisans, and the merchants. The elite lived on or near the top-level mesa called the Acropolis. They were the high priests, military leaders, nobles owning large estates, and probably the wealthiest merchants. All of the social classes lived in walled compounds. These, along with the narrow  streets separating them, made Cantona one of the most defensible cities in Mesoamerica. This may explain its amazing 1,650 year lifespan (600 BC - 1050 AD). Over more than one and a half millennia, Cantona managed to outlast several great empires and multiple invasions from the north by the fierce Chichimec nomads. In the end, Cantona was abandoned because of climate change, not conquest.


Building tools and equipment made from basalt stone. The builders of Cantona were skilled masons and architects. Among the items shown above are polishers used for tamping, plumb bobs to accurately measure incline, and hinges for doors. Unlike their counterparts elsewhere in Mesoamerica, the people who constructed this city used no mortar to secure the stones in their walls and other structures. They simply cut them to size, placed them carefully, and used smaller stones to ensure their stability. Amazingly, some of these structures survived for more than 2,500 years! Again, unlike everywhere else, the stone walls were not covered with lime plaster and then painted with colored designs or murals. Instead, Cantona's architects left the stone surfaces in their natural state. However, to create pleasing decorative effects, the builders arranged different types and colors of stone in contrasting patterns.


Another street, called Calzada #1, passes through a middle class neighborhood. To the left is a short stairway leading into a residential compound. In the distance are terraces that lead up to the Acropolis, which contains elite residential areas, pyramids, palaces, and ball courts. Calzada #1 is typical, in that its narrow passage allows for only two people abreast. It is easily defensible, since attackers could be assailed from all sides by warriors sheltering behind the walls of the various compounds and on the terraces above.


View of a house platform, with multiple terraces rising to the Acropolis. Geologically, Cantona's terrain was created by a series of superimposed lava flows. When they cooled, these formed several natural terraces, each about 3m (10 ft) high. The last, topmost, flow created the mesa on which Cantona's architects built their Acropolis. Over a millennia and a half, the ancient architects used these natural features to construct their city, adding 3000 man-made terraces to fill in the slopes between the natural ones. The city's 8000 residential units were constructed on these terraces.

A weaver operates a 16th century-style loom at the Museo de Artes y Tradiciones Populares. In this posting, we return to Tlaxcala from our visit to the ancient ruins of Cantona. The museum contains more than 3000 pieces of popular art dating from colonial times to the modern era, as well as some reproductions of pre-hispanic craftsmanship. All this is displayed in the old Governor's Office, built in 1950 and turned into a museum in 1986. In this posting are just a few samples of the multitude of fascinating items on display. The Museo de Artes y Tradiciones Populares has become one of the biggest attractions in the city of Tlaxcala. To locate it on a Google map, click here.

Ceramics

Large, beautifully decorated tibors are displayed near the museum's entrance. Tibors are vases traditionally used for storage. After glazing with a white background, they are painted in the talavera style, using a variety of colors and naturalistic designs.



A couple of tibors stand next to bowls painted in a similar style. While Tlaxcala is not one of the major pottery centers in Mexico, what is produced here is of high quality. Much of comes from small, outlying towns which specialize in particular types of ceramics. In addition to talavera, which originated in the 16th century, some local potters also use pre-hispanic styles, employing ancient methods rather than potter's wheels.


A pitcher and matching wash basin hark back to an earlier age. It was not that long ago when even wealthy homes had no running water. In those days, a set like this would have stood near a dressing table in a bedroom.


Ancient and modern musical instruments

Reproduction of an Aztec-style drum called a teponaztli. The instrument is a horizontal slit-drum made from a hollow, hard-wood log. Slits are cut in the top of the log in the shape of an H. The tongues thus created are struck with rubber-headed mallets or deer antlers. Teponaztli were usually covered with relief carvings on their sides and ends. Human or animal faces were often part of the decoration. In order to increase the volume, either the bottom or one end of the log is left open. The teponazoani (drummer) played his instrument as an accompaniment for dances, poetry, and celebrations. Teponaztli were also used by military leaders as communication devices during battles. The instrument was considered so sacred that the blood of sacrifice victims was sometimes poured into it.


Reproduction of an upright skin-drum called a huehuetl. These drums, made from hollow tree trunks, are played with either mallets or using the hands directly. While the top of the huehuetlis covered with skin of an ocelot, the bottom is open and stands on three legs. The Tarascan Empire, the Aztecs' great rival, also used this kind of drum. It was especially popular for warrior gatherings. Notice the Jaguar Warrior carved and painted on the side. Teponaztli and huehuetl are often played together. The two drums were believed to embody the spirits of two different gods who had each been banished to earth


Also displayed were a variety of traditional stringed instruments. Stringed instruments did not exist in Mesoamerica until the Spanish arrived in the 16th century. At the bottom are two guitars and a mandolin, with a pair of lap harps above them. All are made from cedar and come from the town of Calpulalpan on Tlaxcala's western border with the State of Mexico.


Indigenous costumes

Dance costume of an indigenous dancer featuring an elaborate, feathered headdress. The headdress, called a penacho, was made with the feathers of a variety of birds. While the headdress approximates an original, ancient penacho, the rest of the costume is clearly influenced by styles and materials introduced by the Spanish.

Costume of a Spaniard, as seen through indigenous eyes. Note the crossed ribbons on the chest, which resemble the straps associated with a military uniform of the colonial or early national period. In the mannequin's right hand is a gold-colored whip. The native craftsperson uses the outlandish hat to poke fun, but also makes a rather sinister statement about Spaniards with the rest of the costume.


Costume from the Dance of the Moors and Christians. This ancient dance celebrates the victory of the Spanish Christians over the Moors in 1492, marking the end of the 700-year-long struggle known as La Reconquista (the Reconquest). That same year, Christopher Columbus hung around the Christian army camp outside Granada, waiting for the Moors to surrender. He desperately wanted to gain an audience with King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella so he could propose his Atlantic voyage. The Spanish later incorporated many of the practices and strategies developed during of La Reconquista in their conquest of the New World.


Religious statues from the 18th century

Religious statues carved in the 18th century for display in colonial churches. On the left is San Pedro Apóstol (the Apostle Peter), one of the original twelve apostles as well as the first pope. In the center is San Miguel Arcángel, el Niño (Archangel Michael as a child). San Miguel was the general of God's armies in the struggle against Satan. On the right is San Antonio de Padua (1195-1231 AD). He was a Portuguese Augustinian friar who later became a Franciscan because he was attracted to their simplicity and poverty. His great knowledge of Christian doctrine and ability as a preacher led the Church to designate him as one of a handful of Doctors of the Church.


Virgen de Guadalupe, guarded by angels on either side.  The Virgin of Guadalupe is the patron of Mexico, and particularly of the poor and indigenous people. She was the first apparition of the Virgin Mary to be encountered in the New World. However, she was not widely accepted as a legitimate figure of veneration for nearly a century. She first appeared to an indigenous man named Juan Diego in the ruins of a temple to Tonantzin, the Aztec Earth Mother. Juan Diego reported to Catholic authorities that she was dark-skinned, and she spoke Nahuatl, the language of the recently conquered Aztecs. All this led to an intense dispute between the Franciscans on one side and the Dominicans and Augustinians on the other. The Franciscans thought it was all a scam to allow the natives to continue "devil worship". The other Orders adopted a more practical stance, noting that hordes of new converts appeared wherever she was venerated. In the end, practicality won.


Textiles

The museum doesn't just display finished works of popular art. This foot-pedal loom, built in the fashion of those brought over by the Spanish after the Conquest, is fully functional and capable of producing beautiful textile designs. Tlaxcala has a long history of textile production, dating far back into pre-hispanic times. Before Spanish looms, the indigenous people used simple, but effective back-strap looms. Devices were held in place by a strap around the back of the weaver, with the other end of the loom attached to a stationary vertical object like a tree. Such looms are still used in Mexico.

A flower customer examines her choices. Flowers are only one of the many items for sale here, including a variety of live animals. After we visited the Museo de Artes y Tradicionales Populares (see previous posting), we noticed the street market a short distance away. The Mercado Sabatino (Saturday Market) occupies a large area stretching along the malecón bordering the Rio Zahuapan. Open-air mercados are another of our favorite places. We like the bustling atmosphere, the variety of colorful products, the always-friendly vendors, the people-watching, and--for me--the splendid photographic opportunities.


One of the mercado's many entrances. Mercado Sabatino is a maze of stalls and merchandise displays set along narrow, crowded aisles. Each section of the mercado sells a similar kind of product. All the fruit and vegetable stalls are grouped together, as are those for clothing, meats and fish, leather goods, etc. Unless you have a good sense of direction, you can easily get lost in the maze of aisles and walkways. However, finding your way out can be fun, too, as you discover products and scenes along the way that are bound to intrigue and delight you. Close to major holidays, the mercado's aisles become almost impassable. This is particularly true during the Christmas-New Years period, according to local news sources. They describe a "strong influx of people" who wage a "titanic struggle to acquire the best vegetables and fruits." It's probably wise to avoid the Saturday Market on those occasions.



A shopper considers a cucumber. Foreigners who buy fresh vegetables in markets like this are often astonished at the quality and taste of their purchases. They are generally superior, as well as less expensive, than anything you will find in one of Mexico's U.S.-style supermarkets. Compared to the US, the prices are much cheaper. For example, the sign over the cucumbers above reads 2 kilograms for 25 pesos (4.4 lbs for $1.33 USD). According to the US Department of Agriculture, as of April 18, 2018, the average US price for 4.4 pounds of fresh, unpeeled cucumbers is $5.72 (USD). Similar price differences hold true for other fruits and vegetables.



A family business. In this stall, the family was selling corn kernels, which have been removed from the cob in a process called "shelling". They were such friendly folks that I asked to take a photo, a request that was immediately granted. In my travels all over Mexico over the last ten years, I have found that Mexicans are some of the warmest and most hospitable people in the world. This holds true for people from all walks of life.


Blue corn is one of many varieties found in Mexico. These blue kernals are called maiz azul and are grown in Mexico and the Southwestern US. They are ground into a dough called called masa, which sometimes becomes the main ingredient of tlacoyo, an ancient food dating to pre-hispanic times. This very popular dish is made by stuffing the masa with various fillings like pinto or fava beans, mushrooms, and cheese. Tlacoyo is cooked on a flat griddle called a comal, which used to be made of clay and heated over a wood fire. Nowadays, most comales are metal and heated by propane, but the process for preparing tlacoyos and the shape and use of the implements for cooking them has not significantly changed over the last 500 years or more. In the early 1500s, Spanish conquistadors wrote about the tlacoyos they saw cooking in outdoor markets similar to Tlaxcala's Mercado Sabatino.


Stacks of dried fish stand in front of bins of beans.  I haven't been able precisely identify the fish, but it may be cod which has been salted and dried in a process called desiccation. The fish will keep for several months, if stored in a dry place.


Two women sell an assortment of goods. Their stall displays clothing, shoes, and a child's doll. They were deep in conversation as I passed, and didn't notice me when I took this candid shot with my zoom lens. While the primary purpose of the mercado's activity is economic, there is a definite social aspect as people meet and greet their friends among the customers and other vendors.


Heaps of used clothing filled a number of tables in this section. The customers, who were primarily women, crowded around the piles and sifted through them until they found something interesting. Recycling is an economic necessity, since many Mexicans can't afford new, store-bought goods. Selling clothing you no longer need is also another way to make money.


Trucker hats with creative designs. Sadly, the classic Mexican sombrero has been replaced in most areas by north-of-the-border trucker hats. You have to go pretty far out into the countryside to find anyone who still wears the old-style broad-brimmed sombrero. Instead, trucker caps and Texas-style cowboy hats are the favored headgear.


Sign of the times. A shoe vendor, bathed in the pink shadow of his overhead tarp, texts on his cell-phone. The cell-phone craze has certainly reached Tlaxcala and other cities, but it has penetrated even the remotest areas of Mexico. The vendor wears an Old Navy t-shirt displaying a large American flag. He may have lived for a while in the US and then returned, or he may just like the design. Even if they don't have family connections to the US, many Mexicans wear t-shirts with English messages on them. Carole and I are sometimes startled to see buxom young Mexican girls wearing t-shirts with logos like "Hot Stuff! Come and Get It!" emblazoned across the chest. We don't know whether the girls understand the English, but we're pretty sure their mom's don't.


Goats crowd around a water pan. At first, we didn't realize that there was a live animal section in the Saturday Market. Then, as we wandered the crowded aisles, Carole tugged my sleeve and discreetly pointed at a woman carrying a large shopping bag slung from straps over her shoulder. Peeking out of the top of the bag was a live baby goat. For a second, I thought it might be some sort of pet, but then I realized that the little creature was probably destined for the family dinner table. Cabrito (baby goat) is a favorite meal in Mexico.

Live chickens strut about their cage, waiting for a purchaser. The rooster was keeping an eye out for rivals who might try to lure off his small harem. Not all chickens were kept in cages. Some were simply tethered by one leg to a leash attached to a stake in the ground.


A calf eyes me warily as I take its photo. The calf appears to be a Holstein, one of several dairy breeds. Most cattle raised in Tlaxcala are either dairy cows or fighting bulls. Over the centuries, more than 1000 haciendas grew up in Tlaxcala, and raising cattle was one of their primary activities. Only about 200 haciendas remain today and many are in ruins, or have become hotels/restaurants. However, some still raise cattle, often bulls used for fighting. The city of Tlaxcala still has one of the finest bull rings in the country, architecturally speaking.


Zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz... Piglets snooze in the back of a pick-up truck. When I first noticed these little guys, I thought it might be a stack of carcasses. Then I noticed them softly stirring, snuffling, and snoring. I found myself tiptoeing around, speaking in whispers, so as not to disturb their blissful slumber.

This completes Part 9 of my Tlaxcala series. I hope you have enjoyed it and, if so, that you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below. If you leave a question, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Carole starts up the long staircase leading to the Capilla del Cristo del Buen Vecino. The Chapel of the Christ of the Good Neighbor stands at the top of a hill behind the Convento Franciscano de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción(see Part 5 of this series). Much of the available information about this chapel is contradictory, including the century of its construction. I have photos of two different signs at the site, one citing the 17th century, the other the 18th. The origin of the name is another problem. Some sources state that the "Good Neighbor" reference was adopted during the Cristero War (1926-29) between the Revolutionary government and Catholic reactionaries. Others claim the name comes from the chapel's close proximity to the Franciscan Convent. There is even a story about a neighbor of the church who suffered from a tapeworm. When it was removed, the tapeworm appeared in the image of the crucified Christ. This miracle is supposed to have stopped Tlaxcala's great typhus epidemic of 1750. Whatever the truth of all this conflicting information, the chapel is worth a visit, particularly for the view from the top of the hill, assuming you are up to the climb. In this posting, we'll also take a look at the Capilla de San Nicolás de Tolentino, another of Tlaxcala's numerous Franciscan chapels.


A fountain is embedded in the wall next to an old cemetery. The fountain is at the top of the second of several flights of stairs leading up to the chapel. The chapel and its cemetery were built by Fray José Nava y Mora, a Franciscan friar. After he died, his family took responsibility for the maintenance of the property. The short stairway to the left leads to the small cemetery.


In Mexico, tombs traditionally extend above ground. The cemetery was originally intended for burials of Nava y Mora's Franciscan brethren. However, it contains the remains of at least one woman, according to the plaque on the grave on the far right.


The woman buried here was born in the 19th century and buried in the 20th. The plaque reads "Maria Ch. de Yturriaga, 1868-1935".  She may be one of Nava y Mora's descendants, and thus could claim the right to burial here. On the other hand, the interment took place after the Cristero War (which the Catholics lost), so that may have resulted in a relaxation of the rules.


Tlaxcala spreads out below the hill on which the chapel stands. Most of the city, including the Centro Historico, lies in a bowl created by the high, surrounding hills like the ones you can see in the distance. The Convento Franciscano is located among the trees in the lower right quadrant of the photo.


The Neo-Classic style of the nave became popular beginning in the 18th century. That might point to an 18th century building date, except that the interiors of 17th century Baroque churches were often redecorated in the Neo-Classic style. The nave does contain some Baroque features, including the retablos (carved wooden altar pieces) on the side walls.


Retablo and pulpit on the right side wall of the nave. The carved wood around the painting is covered with gold leaf. The subject of the painting is the Virgin Mary in one of her many incarnations. It is not clear whether this Baroque retablo is part of an original 17th century interior or, alternatively, was brought from a 17th century site and installed in an 18th century chapel. Church decorations were sometimes moved to other sites and reused.


The figure of Christ, reclining in his sepulcher, decorates the left side wall. This figure is also reputed to have a miraculous history, but I have been unable to determine any of the details. The chapel is often closed to the public, so we were fortunate to find it open when we visited.


A gargoyle wearing a "What, me worry?" expression sits on a roof cornice. The roof is part of a home next to the chapel. Could it be the original home of the man with the tapeworm? Who knows? I photographed several other gargoyles on the roof, but this one was my favorite.


Capilla de San Nicolás de Tolentino

Capilla de San Nicolás de Tolentino is only a couple of blocks from Plaza de la Constitution. Built in the 16th century, it has a single tower. The chapel's simple exterior is typical of early Franciscan buildings. Many such structures include a main entrance facing west. In front of the chapel is a small plaza where I stood while taking this photo. Every Friday, neighbors gather in the plaza for a market in which many organic products are sold.


Carole enters the main door of the chapel. The whole structure exudes a serene antiquity that I always find appealing, even though I am not at all religious. San Nicolás de Tolentino (1246-1305) is the patron saint of this colonia (neighborhood). Although this is a Franciscan chapel, Nicolás belonged to the Augustinian Order. His humble lifestyle was probably what appealed to the Franciscans when they dedicated the chapel to him. Nicolás was born in Italy, became a monk at age 18, and was ordained as a priest at 25. Noted for his quiet and gentle manner, Nicolás served  the poor and the dregs of society in the Italian town of Tolentino.


The small campanario (belfry) contains a single bell, rung by a pull cord. Again, this ancient method appeals to me. I am not much moved by chimes broadcast over a loudspeaker. Nicolás was highly respected and acted as a peacemaker during the intense civil strife between the supporters of the Pope and those of the Holy Roman Emperor. During the course of his work with the poor, Nicolás is reputed to have performed healing miracles while handing out bread. Calls to make him a saint began soon after his death and Pope Eugene IV canonized him in 1446.
The exterior of the chapel was constructed using local stone called xalnene. Xalnene is a porous volcanic sandstone quarried in the area around Tlaxcala. Since ancient times, people have used it both for construction. The porous nature of xalnene also led to its use in filtering and purifying water.


The interior is also very spare and austere. Carole and I were the only visitors to the chapel at the time. The stone walls are very thick, which is typical of buildings of this period. One result is a pleasingly cool interior, even on warm days.

This completes Part 10 of my Tlaxcala series. I hope you have enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

The Virgin of Ocotlán is the centerpiece of the Basilica's main altar. In this last posting of my Tlaxcala series, we'll take a look at the Basilica de Nuestra Señora de Ocotlán, located on a hill to the northeast of the Centro Historico. This church is famous for its extravagant Churregueresque-Baroque style and is a major attraction for religious pilgrims, as well as for people like ourselves who are primarily interested in colonial architecture. More than one million people have visited since the Basilica was constructed. Three times each year, once in December and twice in May, the small statue of the Virgin is removed from its glass case, dressed in finery, and taken in a procession  through the streets of      Tlaxcala. The most important of these processions occurs during the Feast of Subida, on the third Sunday in May, one of the major events each year.  Several stops are made along the flower-lined path, before the statue is returned to the Basilica for a High Mass. In this posting, I will recount some of the legends associated with the Virgin of Ocotlán, as well as the history of the Basilica itself.

Exterior of the Basilica

Our first view of the Basilica was through the ornate entrance to its atrium. According to legend, the adoration of the Virgin of Ocotlán began with a miraculous event in 1541, about twenty years after the fall of the Aztec Empire. This event occurred at a time of great trouble for the indigenous people of Tlaxcala. After their initial alliance with the Spanish against the Aztecs, many Tlaxcaltecas became disillusioned with their new overlords. This was exacerbated when Spanish priests attempted to eradicate the old religions and, in the process, turned children against their parents. Revolts were followed by savage repression by the Spanish. In addition, a series of disastrous plagues began to ravage the indigenous people, who had no resistance to Spanish diseases. Between the beginning of the Conquest in 1519 and approximately 1650, the Tlaxcalteca population plummeted by 90%.


The atrium is the large, open, paved area in front of the church. For centuries, this area functioned as a cemetery. Then, in 1956, it was paved and enclosed by an elaborate wall with several gateways, including the one in the previous photo. The miraculous event was an apparition of the Virgin, which occurred during an epidemic of smallpox. As the story goes, on February 27, 1541, an indigenous man named Juan Diego Bernardino was seeking water from a local stream that was reputed to have healing powers. On his way, he encountered a beautiful lady. After inquiring about his purpose, she directed him to a spring surrounded by ocotes (pines). In the Nahuatl language,  the name Ocotlán means "place of the ocotes". The mysterious woman told Juan Diego that anyone who drank water from this place would be cured and restored to health. The spring still exists today and the faithful still believe in its curative powers.


The massive facade is framed by two tall steeples faced with brick. The white stucco facade was built between 1760 and 1790. The estipite columns are part of the Churrigueresque style found throughout the Basilica. The facade teems with sculptures, including the Twelve Apostles, the four theological Doctors of the Church, the seven Archangels, and San José (Jesus' father) and San Francisco de Assisi, founder of the Franciscan Order. Before Juan Diego left the spring, the woman told him that her image would be found within the grove of ocotes. She directed that it should be taken to the chapel of San Lorenzo, atop the hill above the spring. The chapel had been built over the ruins of a pre-hispanic temple. When he hurried home to his sick relatives, Juan Diego discovered that the spring water worked as advertised. The next day, he went to the nearby Convento Franciscano (monastery) where he worked and served as an altar boy. Juan Diego told the friars of his miraculous encounter, the positive effects of the spring water, and the mysterious woman's directions about the image in the grove. They believed him, possibly because of his service at the Convento, but they may also have had other motives (more on this later).


Campanario (bell tower) atop the left steeple. Each of the steeples is 33 m (108.3 ft) tall and each contains twenty stucco columns decorated with vines and grapes. Atop each is a wrought iron cross. There are spaces for eight bells, but it does not appear that all of them are filled. After hearing Juan Diego's story, the friars at the Convento decided to investigate and went with him to the ocote grove that evening. Upon their arrival, the grove appeared to be on fire, either through an actual conflagration or from the glow of the sunset. There are various versions of the story. In any case, they noticed that one tree was fatter than the others and ordered it cut open. Inside the tree, a wooden statue of the Virgin was revealed, providing the friars with convincing evidence that Juan Diego's story was true. They followed the apparition's directions and took the statue up the hill to the chapel. The central place of honor at the altar was, at that time, occupied by a statue of San Lorenzo. The friars moved him out of his niche and replaced him with the wooden statue of the Virgin. Legend has it that the chapel's sacristan (an official in charge of a sacred items in a church) waited until the friars had left and then set aside the Virgin's statue and moved San Lorenzo back to his niche. Angels then switched the statues again. This happened three times before the sacristan gave up and left the Virgin in the central place of honor. Reports of all this spread and the chapel and its statue soon became a shrine which attracted many visitors.

Teotihuacán"theatre" censer found at Zultépec-Tecoaque. The incense was burned in the lower, hour-glass shaped part of the theatre censer. The upper part is an elaborately decorated lid shaped to resemble a temple. The surfaces of the lid were originally covered with brilliant paint and sprinkled with iron pyrite so they would sparkle. Theatre censers were manufactured almost exclusively in Teotihuacán (100 BC-650 AD), capital of a great trading empire. Zultépec-Tecoaque was founded in 300 AD as one of the Empire's trading outposts and was occupied until 650 AD, when Teotihucán fell. The name "Zultépec-Tecoaque" comes from the Nahuatl language of the Acolhua people. They did not arrive until about 1250 AD, when they reoccupied the site after it had been abandoned for nearly 600 years. No one knows the original name by which the Teotihuacano inhabitants called their settlement, so I have chosen to refer to it in this posting by the only name available: Zultépec-Tecoaque. The the ruins and their museum are located in the northwestern part the state of Tlaxcala, near its border with the state of Mexico. To find them on a Google map, click here.


Detail of the theatre censer. The face within the theatre/temple represents a god, probably associated with fertility. The large plaque hanging from his nose represents a butterfly, variously associated with renewal, transformation, fire, death and the military. The four circles on the headband above the face are chalchihuites ("precious things"), which were often used to represent drops of water, always precious in agricultural societies. The four square pieces hanging below the stage represent cloths used in a temple. Censers like this were manufactured at Teotihuacan in a State-owned factory in the North Palace of the Citadel next to the Pyramid of the Plumed Serpent. Clay molds were used to make the individual parts. These were then assembled in one of the very first uses of identical, interchangeable parts in a manufacturing process. To help fund Teotihuacán's theocratic government, the censers were sold both for domestic use and as trade items. This explains their presence in Zultépec-Tecoaque, an outpost established at the intersection of key routes to the Gulf Coast and southern Mexico. Theater censers are generally associated with the private altars of palaces and residential compounds, rather than with the altars found in temples and public plazas. They may have doubled as an altar in households of modest means which lacked one. The incense burned was usually copal, a sacred substance derived from the sap, or "blood", of the Torchwood tree. Smoke from copal was used for divinatory purposes, for preventive and therapeutic health care, and as an offering to the gods.


Figurillas with articulated limbs are another artistic feature associated with Teotihuacan. Although there was no sign in the museum indicating where in the settlement they were found, articulated figurillas often turn up in grave sites. They enable us see how Teotihuacanos adorned themselves, in this case with mult-strand necklaces, ear spools, and an elaborate head dress. In real life, the necklaces and ear spools would have been made from jade. While the figurillas are otherwise nude, their articulated limbs would  have allowed them to be dressed in various costumes, according to the ceremony in which they were employed. Teotihuacán depictions of the human face typically show it with long, narrow eyes set horizontally in a heart-shaped face with a slightly parted mouth. Archeologists believe that this uniformity of appearance was a strategy by the State to establish a sense of unity and common identity among a very diverse and cosmopolitan population.


Small sculptures of Teotihuacán women. Like the figurillas, these little pieces give us an idea of the appearance and styles of elite women of the Empire. While the exact status of women in Teotihuacán is unclear, the Empire's most important deity was the Great Goddess, also known as the Jade Goddess. The supremacy of the Great/Jade Goddess sets Teotihuacán apart, because the goddesses of other Mesoamerican civilizations are all subordinate to male deities.


Two Teotihuacán death masks and a small statue.Masks like this were used during funerals, when they were placed over the faces of the deceased. Like the figurillas, the masks bear the classic Teotihuacán facial appearance. Wherever Teotihuacán set up a military or commercial outpost, culture followed. This included styles of art, architecture, clothing, etc. The local people in areas around Teotihuacán settlements were often much less sophisticated. They readily adopted the new, "superior" culture and thus became assimilated into the Empire. Although Teotihuacan possessed a strong military establishment to protect its interests, the  expansion of the Empire seems to have been accomplished more through trade and commerce than through conquest. Zultépec-Tecoaque was established in 200 AD at an early stage of this economic and cultural imperialism.

The role of trade


Classic Era trade routes to the east of Lago de Texcoco. The towns shown on the map are modern, but many originated as pre-hispanic settlements. Zultépec-Tecoaque is slightly to the west of Calpulalpan, in the upper left quadrant of the map. Modern Mexico City now covers most of what used to be Lago de Texcoco (blue area marked "Estado de México"). It is hard to overstate the role of trade in ancient Mesoamerica. Cities and civilizations rose or declined based upon their ability to control important trade routes. Wars were fought over resources, such as obsidian, which could be crafted into valuable trade goods. Materials readily available in some areas, such as cotton and cacao in the Gulf Coast and jade in Guatemala, were profitably shipped to destinations where they were lacking, such as the Valley of Mexico. Teotihuacán's power came from its central position on multiple trade routes, its control over obsidian mines near Pachuca, and its vast capacity for manufacturing finished trade items from both local and imported raw materials. Another source its of strength was the willingness of the city's leadership to welcome immigrants from all over Mesoamerica to live and trade at the center of a great Empire. Whole neighborhoods were set aside for these people and they became one of the keys to Teotihuacán's success. There were Zapotecs from Oaxaca, Maya from Guatemala, people from Western Mexico's Teuchitlán Culture, and many from elsewhere. Zultépec-Tecoaque functioned as a last stop, before reaching the great metropolis. Heavily loaded caravans arrived from the Gulf Coast and southern Mexico bringing goods, immigrants, and new ideas, while other groups stopped on the way from Teotihuacán to points east and south. Zultépec-Tecoaque served as a place to rest, sort out goods, trade information about conditions on the route ahead and, no doubt, to socialize with other traders.


 A textile trader sets out with his porters. This mural, from Tlaxcala's Palacio Gobierno, depicts Tlaxcaltecas from the Post-Classic period. Although that was several hundred years after Zultépec-Tecoaque was abandoned by the Teotihuacanos, the traders and their goods from earlier times would probably have looked pretty much the same. Since large animals capable of carrying burdens or pulling wheeled vehicles didn't arrive until the Spanish Conquest, all transport throughout ancient Mesoamerica was by humans, on foot. Even so, these expeditions were highly organized and those who led them held high status in their societies. Traders from Cacaxtla, of the Epi-Classic Era (650 AD-900 AD), had their own god. Those of the Post-Classic Aztec Empire (1250 AD-1521 AD) were called pochteca and had powerful guilds and special laws that protected them.


Jade and shell jewelry found at Zultépec-Tecoaque. These items, worn by the elite, were especially valuable because they had to be imported from distant locations. Shells, packed either as finished jewelry or raw materials, would have passed through Zultépec-Tecoaque from the Gulf Coast. The distance from the Gulf to Teotihuacán is about 300 km (approx. 200 mi).  Jade was as highly valued by Mesoamericans as gold or diamonds were by Europeans. The main sources of jade were even farther than the Gulf. The jade mines along the Rio Motagua, in central Guatemala, lay more than 1000 km (650 mi) from Teotihuacán. Long distance traders favored these items not just because their scarcity made them valuable. Jade and shell jewelry are both light and compact, important considerations, given the long distances that had to be covered. The jade disks at the top, with the holes in their centers, are parts of ear spools. They were a form of personal decoration that was very popular among the elites of both sexes.



How an ear spool was worn. A hollow stone rod passes through both the disk and the ear. It is held in place by two beads, connected by a cord. Since all of these (except for the cord) were jade, a fairly heavy stone, this must have put a strain on the wearer's earlobe. I suppose modern people also wear uncomfortable items of personal decoration. What price beauty?


Two Teotihuacán-style pots. The style of the top pot is "Teotihuacán Thin-Orange". It sits on a tri-pod base that is also typical of Teotihuacán. Ceramics were a valuable trade item, in spite of their weight and fragility. Ceramics from Teotihuacán have been found throughout Mesoamerica, even as far away as the Pacific Coast of Guatemala. The great Empire's cultural influence was ubiquitous. The bottom pot is painted in an abstract style that is also characteristic of Teotihuacán.

More ceramics with a red, abstract design. The red paint may be specular hematite, an iron oxide flecked with mica that was highly favored by Teotihuacano artists. Notice the similarity in the color and painted design with the small pot in the previous photo. The larger pot is also decorated with a head wearing a typical Teotihuacán head dress.


Temples and Gods


Model of a temple, another typical Teotihucán feature. Very little of Zultépec-Tecoaque's original Teotihuacán architecture survived its 600-year abandonment. What may have been there when the Acolhuas arrived in 1250 was probably destroyed when they they built their city, sometimes using the materials from the older structures. One interesting item that archeologists did find is this model of a temple. It is very similar to others that have been recovered in Teotihuacán itself. Archeologists speculate that the models may have been used by ancient architects in the process of designing a full-scale building. Another possibility is that the models were used as altars. In fact, they may have been used for the second purpose after their original architectural function was done. In any case, this model does give us an idea of what the temples of thistrading outpost may have looked like in the Classic Era.


Huehueteotl, the "Old, Old God". Control of fire was the first great step in the evolution of human civilization, long pre-dating the development of agriculture. Huehueteotl may be the oldest of the whole pantheon of Mesoamerican gods. If so, he well-deserves his name. He is always portrayed as a wrinkled old man, bent under the weight of the brazier (fire tray) on his head. His cult may have arrived at Teotihuacán with refugees from Cuicuilco, who were fleeing the volcanic eruption of 150 AD that destroyed their city. The arrival of the refugees coincided with the cultural explosion that resulted in the building of the huge Pyramid of the Sun and other great monuments. Interestingly, in 2013, the remains of a temple to Huehueteotl was discovered at the top of the Pyramid of the Sun. Given all this, his appearance at this Teotihuacán trading outpost should be no surprise.


Ceramic pot bearing the face of Tlaloc, the Rain God. He is identifiable by his "goggle" eyes and the two fangs hanging down from his mouth. Tlaloc is probably second only to Huehueteotl in the antiquity of his worship. This probably dates back to the beginnings of agriculture and the need for consistent rainfall. Tlaloc is a Nahuatl word, and we don't know what the Teotihuacanos called him. Archeologists have decided to call his pre-Nahautl manifestation the "Storm God". Interestingly, in the Classic Era this deity was not just associated with agriculture, but also with long-distance traders.


The Fire Serpent was yet another deity of great antiquity. The Fire Serpent was associated with warfare, fire, and time (or the calendar). He was also connected with Venus, a symbol of renewal and rebirth, possibly because a snake "renews" itself when it sheds its skin. His Nahuatl name was Xiuhcoatl (literally "Fire Serpent") but, once again, no one knows what Teotihuacanos called him. The Fire Serpent was a different deity than the famous Plumed Serpent. He can be readily distinguished from his feathered cousin by his curled snout. Both serpent gods appear on the facade of the famous Pyramid of the Plumed Serpent in Teotihuacan's Citadel. This particular sculpture is a solid stone block, carved on all sides except the base. On its top is a rectangular cavity that was apparently used as a receptacle for human hearts cut from living sacrificial victims.

The Teotihuacán outpost of Zultépec-Tecoaque helped spread the Empire's trade, culture, and influence for 450 years, In 650 AD, the ruling elite of Teotihucán was overthrown and driven out during an internal uprising. This political decapitation of the Empire resulted in chaos. Warfare broke out between city-states such as Xochicalco, Cacaxtla, Cantona, and others. They were all scrambling to dominate the trade routes, now that the great Empire no longer controlled them. Along with this came a series of invasions from the north by fierce Chichimec nomads, long kept in check by Teotihuacán's military power. Since the Empire could no longer protect them, Zultépec-Tecoaque's population  drifted away. Gradually, the dust and vegetation of the high desert overcame the ruins of their once bustling community. It would be 600 years before the site was again occupied, this time by the Acolhua, a hardy new people who founded their own trading outpost.

This completes Part 1 of my Zultépec-Tecoaque series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below.

If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

The Temple of Ehecatl, God of the Wind, overlooks the Plaza Prinicpal. In Part 1 of this series, I showed you some of the fascinating artifacts recovered from the period when this site was a Teotihuacan trading outpost (300 AD-650 AD). All of the structures you will see in Part 2 were built by native people called the Acolhua. They re-populated the ruins of the Teotihuacán town around 1250 AD, after it had been abandoned for 600 years. In this and succeeding postings, I'll walk you through Acolhua era ruins, beginning with a tour of the Plaza Principal. The Plaza is bordered on the west by the Temple of Ehecatl and on the south by the Temple of Tezcatlipoca. These were two of the most important gods during the Post-Classic Era (900 AD-1521 AD).

I should also comment on the town's two names. Both Zultépec and Tecoaque are Nahuatl, the language of the Acolhua. They, along with the Méxica (Aztecs) and the Tlaxcalteca, were part of the great Chichimec invasion which followed the collapse of the Toltec Empire. Zultépec, which means "Hill of the Quails", was the name the Acolhua chose for their city. Tecoaque means "Place where they ate the lords or the gods". It was only after the Acolhua town was destroyed by the Spanish that its ruins were given that name. For the sake of simplicity, from here on I will just use the name Zultépec,


Site map of Zultépec-Tecoaque. The map is oriented with north at the top. Just right of center is the large circular structure called the Temple of Ehecatl. To the east of the temple, in the middle of the Plaza, is a small square structure known as the Tzompantli. There are also two small altars to the north and east of the Tzompantli. South of the Tzompantli is a large, square structure with a small, circular enclosure attached to its south side. That is the Temple of Tezcatlipoca. There are also two other plazas which we will look at in future postings. South of the Plaza Principal is the Plaza Superior Sur, which contains temples to Tlaloc, the Rain God, and Mictlantecuhtli, the God of Death. To the north of the Plaza Principal is the Plaza Inferior Norte, containing the Temple of Xiuhtecuhtli, the Fire God, and the elite council-house known as the Salón de los Nobles. Finally, in the map's northwest quadrant are two large residential complexes where most of the population once lived.

Temple of Ehecatl, the God of the Wind

Temple of Ehecatl, viewed from the left, or southeast side. The temple is circular with four concentric levels. The flat top once contained another circular structure with a thatched, conical roof. In front of the circular structure is a broad, rectangular porch containing the stumps of pillars that once supported a roof. The temples to Mesoamerica's numerous other gods are square or rectangular. Because the wind can come from any direction, Ehecatl's temples are always circular. Other examples of this can be seen at pre-hispanic sites such as Calixtlahuaca and  Xochitécatl.


How the Wind God's temple once appeared. The temple faces east, the direction from which both the sun and the star Venus rise. The position of the temple in the west end of the plaza also symbolizes the setting of these astronomical bodies. They are both extremely important in pre-hispanic cosmology because the cyclical nature of their disappearances and reappearances represent renewal, regeneration, and fertility.


Small stone statues of Ehecatl and his temple, found at Zultépec. The Wind God is usually portrayed wearing a mask resembling a bird's beak, through which he blew the wind that cleared the way for rain. This wind also symbolized human breath which, along with blood, was one of the two essences of life. The God of Windwas associated with several other gods, most importantly with Quetzalcoatl, the famed Plumed Serpent. The relationship was so close that he is often called Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl. The Wind God played a key role in the creation of the 5th World (our current universe), when the sun refused to move. Ehecatl stepped in and blew strongly to set the sun on its course. Because the rain is preceded by, and moves with, the wind, the God of the Wind was also partnered with Tlaloc, the Rain God. Finally, as Ehuecatl-Quetzalcoatl, he was the lover of Mayahuel, the Goddess of Maguey.


Almena recovered when the Temple of Ehecatl was excavated. Almenas are decorative elements placed in a line along the cornices of pre-hispanic buildings. They were usually covered in stucco and painted in bright colors.


Skeleton and maguey-shaped pulque cups recovered at Ehecatl's Temple. There was no sign in the museum indicating whether the person had been sacrificed, but the large, splintered hole in the side of the skull suggests a fatal blow. Mayahuel was a beautiful goddess who was hidden away in the clouds by her jealous grandmother, Tzitzímitl. Eventually, Mayahuel became very lonely and began to sing. Her alluring song attracted Ehecatl-Quezalcoatl, who helped her to escape. They made love in the sky and, in their passion, they fell to earth and became a maguey plant. Tzitzímitl discovered the plant when, angered by her granddaughter's escape, she followed the lovers. In her rage, she hacked the maguey to pieces, missing only one part, which Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl protected. His tears over the death of Mayahuel caused the maguey fragment to grow. The magnificent plant was found by the Acolhua people during their great migration from the north and it provided them with many useful products. The spines on the ends of its leaves became needles; the fibers were used for rope and sandals; and much of the plant was edible. Most importantly, they found that they could make pulque, an alcoholic drink, from the juice of the plant. Pulque was declared sacred and came to be used in many important ceremonies.

Temple of Tezcatlipoca, the Smoking Mirror God

The Temple of Tezcatlipoca shares the Plaza Principal with Ehecatl's Temple. It is situated on the south side of the Plaza and faces north, a direction with which Tezcatlipoca was closely associated. The proximity of his temple with that of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl is also significant. The relationship between the two gods is complex. In some creation myths, they are portrayed as great rivals, who each destroy one of the worlds created by the other. All of these worlds pre-date the creation of the 5th World, in which we currently live. However, in one of the many creation stories, the two gods cooperate to capture the Earth Monster, a giant crocodile who bites off Tezcatlipoca's foot in the struggle. The two gods use the body of the Earth Monster to create land, where before there was only sea. Because his foot ended up in the Earth Monster's stomach, Tezcatlipoca is usually portrayed with an obsidian mirror in place of the missing appendage. Often, smoke emanates from this mirror, giving him the name by which he is often known: "Smoking Mirror".


Tezcatlipoca, in full regalia, including his obsidian-mirror foot. Here, he actually wears several such mirrors. One is on his right foot and another, larger version, is suspended from his neck. A third is part of his head dress. His body is covered in black and his face is painted with two black stripes. The various mirrors that he wears are made from black obsidian. This color scheme refers to Tezcatlipoca's association with night and darkness. His totem animal is the jaguar, a powerful night hunter believed to be capable of moving freely between the world of the living and the dark underworld of the dead. Jaguars were also totems of royalty, power, and warfare, thus making Smoking Mirror a favorite of rulers. Thus those who worshipped Tezcatlipoca, by extension, worshipped their rulers.


How Tezcatlipoca's temple once appeared. The temple has a broad, 4-step staircase in front, leading up to a patio. On either side of the staircase is a balustrade with a sloping surface leading up to a vertical, rectangular surface. This architectural style is called talud y tablero and dates back at least to Teotihuacán, if not earlier. At the patio's far (south) end is a fire pit, which is situated directly in front of the narrow entrance to a circular stone room. The circular room was once topped by a thatched, conical roof. This was the inner sanctum, restricted to the priests of Tezcatlipoca.


The fire pit and the entrance to the circular inner sanctum. Like most of the important pre-hispanic gods, Tezcatlipoca was connected to the cycle of regeneration and fertility. As such, he was sometimes referred to as the "Giver of Life". Toxcatl,a ceremony held during the month of May, was the most important festival devoted to Smoking Mirror. During the previous May's ceremony, a handsome young man would be selected to impersonate Tezcatlipoca for the coming year. Usually, but not always, this was a captured enemy warrior. Over the following 12 months, he appeared as the god, dressed in finery and jade jewelry. People meeting him in the streets would worship him as if he really were Tezcatlipoca.


The inner sanctum contains two fire pits. During the last 20 days before the climax of the Toxcatl ceremony, the young "god" would be wed to four beautiful young girls who were themselves treated as goddesses. These last three weeks were filled with feasting, singing, and dancing. On the last day, the young man would climb the stairs of Tezcatlipoca's temple, to be greeted by the priests who led him into the inner sanctum. There, he would be seized and his beating heart carved out of his chest. After the sacrifice, the young man's body would be cooked and ritually consumed. Did he know what would happen at the end? Absolutely! The whole affair was considered by all, including the sacrifice victim, to be a great honor. I have not been able to determine the fate of the four young brides, but it is likely that they too were sacrificed.


The inner sanctum, seen from the rear, with Ehecatl's temple in the distance. The timing of the Toxcatl ceremony was significant. May is the end of dry season, and is followed by the seasonal rains which nourish the crops. The Toxcatl ceremony was therefore a celebration of the cycle of regeneration, upon which Mesoamerican civilization depended. The whole affair was intended to encourage Tezcatlipoca to fulfill his role as the "Giver of Life."


The Tzompantli and Other Plaza Features

The base of the Tzompantli is located in the middle of the Plaza. The Temple of Ehecatl stands in the background. If you were to draw a line from the center of Ehecatl's Temple toward the east, and another from the Temple of Tezcatlipoca toward the north, the point at which they would meet is this platform. Tzompantlis date back to the Toltecs (900 AD-1150 AD). They were a highly militarized civilization that dominated most of Mesoamerica, until they too declined and fell. The end of the Toltec Empire opened the way for invasion by the Acolhua and other fierce Chichimec tribes. These newcomers viewed the remains of the Toltec civilization with awe. They readily adopted key aspects of the its culture, including militarism and public displays of the results of human sacrifice.


Tzompantlis were racks used to publicly display the skulls of sacrifice victims. The skull racks had both religious and political purposes. Pre-hispanic people believed that many of their gods required human sacrifice and tzompantlis played a role in these rituals. However, they were also intended to overawe anyone--whether inhabitant or foreigner--who might consider challenging the ruling elite. The heads displayed were usually those of captured warriors, but not always. Sometimes they included women and even children, as was the case with some of the skulls at Zultépec.


This skull was at one time mounted on a tzompantli. Notice the large hole in the skull's left temple, through which the pole extended. During the Post-Classic Era, the use of tzompantlis became widespread in Mesoamerica. The Méxica (Aztecs) arrived in Central Mexico about the same time as the Acolhua, and later became their close allies. In their capital of Tenochtitlán (Mexico City), the Méxica constructed an immense tzompantli platform and decorated it with carved stone skulls. Recently, archeologists digging around Tenochtitlán's Templo Mayor  uncovered a huge "skull tower" made up of more than 650 actual human skulls mortared together in circles. Another tzompantli can be found at Chichen Itza, a great Maya city in Yucatan with a strong but mysterious connection with the Toltecs.


View of Plaza Principal from atop the Temple of Ehecatl. In the foreground, you can see the stumps of some of the columns that supported the terrace in front of the temple. The tzompantli is in the center of the photo, with two altars to the north and east of it.

View of the Plaza Principal and the altar near its east end. Beyond the altar is the Plaza Inferior Norte with its Temple to the Fire God and Salon of the Nobles. We will visit this plaza and the one to the south of the Plaza Principal in my next posting.

This completes Part 2 of my Zultépec-Tecoaque series. I hope you have enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or email me directly.

If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Temple of Mictlantecuhtli, God of Death and Ruler of the Underworld. The temple is located in the Plaza Superior Sur, directly south of the Plaza Principal (see Part 2 of this series). In this posting, I'll show you the temples, altars, and other structures of both the Plaza Superior Sur and the Plaza Inferior Norte. The names of these two plazas refer to their location in relation to the Plaza Principal. Both of them border it, with the Plaza Superior Sur to the south and slightly above it on the slope, while the Plaza Inferior Norte is to the north and slightly below.


Plaza Superior Sur

Map of Plaza Superior Sur. The top of the map is oriented to the north. Just The God of Death's temple is in the upper left. It has three chambers, with a fire pit in the innermost section. Below it, and slightly to the left, is a single structure that is, in reality, three separate altars. In the center of the site map is a large square structure which may either be an altar or the base of a small temple. To the right is the Temple of Tlaloc, the Rain God.


Mictlantecuhtli's temple, viewed from the southwest. Carole is standing under the tree to the right, reading the explanatory sign. Mictlan means "The Place of Death", while Tecuhtli translates as "Lord". Hence, Mictlantecuhtli is the Lord of the Place of Death. Pre-hispanic people believed that the underworld had nine levels and heaven had thirteen. Your ultimate destination after death was determined not by the way in which you lived, but by how you died. For example, warriors who died in battle and women who died in childbirth both went to the House of the Sun, a place of great honor. The agony of giving birth was equated with the agony of a battle death. Interestingly, traders who perished while traveling on business also went to the House of the Sun, thus showing the importance of trade to pre-hispanic societies.


How the Temple of Mictlantecuhtli would have appeared. It was a one-story structure with a thatched roof and a broad staircase containing four steps and a short ramp just to the right of center. The God of Death had a wife named Mictecacihuatl, whose job was to tear the flesh off the bones of recent arrivals to Mictlan. The God and Goddess of Death dwelt in the ninth level of Mictlan, its lowest and darkest level. They are another example of the pre-hispanic belief in the duality of all things. Pre-hispanic people also believedthat the stars were swallowed by Mictlantecuhtli at the break of each day. Stars were not all that was swallowed. Some of the ceremonies in and around the temples of the God of Death involved ritual cannibalism .


Stone sculpture of Mictlantecuhtli. He is always portrayed with a fleshless skull containing large teeth. Sometimes the skull stands alone, but other times he is shown with a full body. When Quetzalcoatl (the Plumed Serpent) and Tezcatlipoca (Smoking Mirror) defeated the Earth Monster and created our current world, they assigned the underworld to Mictlantecuhtli and his wife. Later, when Quetzalcoatl sought to populate the new world, he needed working materials. However, when he asked the God of Death for the bones of the gods of previous worlds, Mictlantecuhtli refused. Not deterred, Quetzalcoatl stole the necessary bones from Mictlan, and raced for the exit. However, the God of Death created a pit as a trap. Quetzalcoatl fell into it, breaking the bones into different sized pieces. Although he ultimately escaped with the shattered bones, the result was the creation of people in various sizes.


The three altars. As mentioned previously, these altars are shown on the site map as one structure. Why are there three? What ceremonies were performed on each?, What gods were honored? All this remains a mystery to me, because the altars lacked an explanatory sign.


The large central platform may have been either an altar or the base of a small temple. If there was a temple, it would likely have been constructed of perishable materials which have long since vanished. Once again, there was no explanatory sign.


Temple of Tlaloc. This structure is located on the east side of the Plaza Superior Sur, and faces west. This shows a relationship with the sun, as it both rises and sets. It also ties the temple to the planet Venus, a symbol of regeneration with which Tlaloc is closely associated. The Rain God was also the patron of agriculture and fertility. Worship of a rain or storm god is very ancient, harking back to the earliest days of plant cultivation. Similar to Mictlantecuhtli, Tlaloc had a female consort. Her name was Chalchiuhtlicue, Goddess of Lakes and Streams.


How Tlaloc's temple once looked. Like the Temple of Mictlantecuhtli, it is a one-level, thatched-roof structure that sits on a platform. The broad staircase is divided by two ramps. The temple has two rooms and the inner enclosure contains a fire pit.


The inner sanctum. The roof was supported by two pillars, the stumps of which can be seen on either side of a fire pit. Archeologists discovered offerings in the inner sanctum, including a blue vessel, decorated by black lines, along with fragments of hematite and sulphur. Both of these minerals are related to fire. Chemical analysis showed that they were quarried at Popocatepetl, the nearby volcano that is one of the most active in Mexico. In addition to these artifacts, archeologists also found sea urchin spines and two beads made from a seashell. The combination of artifacts relating to both fire and water is another example of the pre-hispanic concept of duality.


Funerary urn decorated with the face of Tlaloc. The Rain God is easily identified by his bulging eyes and drooping fangs. Like the God of Death, Tlaloc has a connection to the dead. The Rain God ruled over Tlalocan, a lush, green, watery paradise which was the destination of those who died from drowning, lightning, and certain diseases related to water. Tlaloc's paradise was not part of the underworld, but was the 9th of the 13 levels of heaven. There is  a wonderful mural of Tlalocan at Teotihuacán, painted six hundred years before the Acolhua people founded Zultépec. This religious continuity was the result of less sophisticated newcomers adopting the civilized ways of those they settled among. The Acolhua were originally Chichimec nomads from the northern deserts. They adopted many of the cultural practices they found among the remnants of the Toltec civilization that had fallen prior to their arrival in the Valley of Mexico. The Toltecs, in turn, had adopted much of the cultural remnants of Teotihuacan, after that great city had been in ruins for centuries.


Plaza Inferior Norte

Map of the Plaza Inferior Norte. Once again, the top of the map is oriented to the north, while the bottom abuts the Plaza Principal. At the top of this map is a long, narrow structure called the Ceremonial Platform of Fire. On the left side of the map, the large, rectangular structure is the Salon of the Nobles. The open area of the plaza, which covers the eastern 2/3 of the total area, was probably a place for large civic/religious ceremonies, such as the New Fire Ceremony.


The Ceremonial Platform of Fire viewed from its south west side. The platform above contains several small fire pits, called thetlecuiles, in which copal and other fragrant materials were burned. The rising smoke was intended to please Xiuhtecuhtli, the Fire God. Since Paleolithic times, fire had been an extremely important part of human life. Control of it was the first great step in the development of human civilization. Fire was used for cooking, warmth, tool-making, protection from predators, signaling, and--increasingly, over the millennia--for religious and other ceremonial purposes.


The original appearance of the Platform of Fire. The long, narrow, rectangular platform is divided down the middle by a half-wall and was once covered by a thatched roof. There were many ceremonies practiced here, but the most important was the New Fire Ceremony. This religious event occurred not only in Zultépec but throughout the Aztec Empire and the rest of Mesoamerica. Pre-hispanic people were close observers of the natural world. They noticed the cyclical nature of astronomical events and, most importantly, how these tied to the seasons for planting and harvesting. Their astronomer-priests developed calendars to record and track the movements of heavenly bodies. The Aztecs, along with many other civilizations, followed two calendars, a 365-day secular calendar and a parallel 260-day religious calendar. The Aztec New Fire Ceremony was celebrated every 52 years, when the two calendars coincided. The end of the 52-year cycle was believed to be a time when the gods might choose to destroy the world (as they had done four times previously). The New Fire Ceremony celebrated the survival of the world and its new 52-year lease on life.


The Platform of Fire, viewed from the east end. Thetlecuiles were found only on the side of the platform facing the plaza. Five days before the New Fire Ceremony, every hearth in the Aztec Empire was extinguished. People also destroyed their everyday household goods and dumped the remains into rubbish pits. All unnecessary activity was suspended during these five suspenseful days. On the night of the Ceremony, astronomer-priests climbed the hill known as Huixachtlan, located on a peninsula near the Aztec's island capital of Tenochtitlan. They watched anxiously until the constellation Pleiades passed its zenith. This event established that the sun would rise again and the world would continue. To commemorate the moment, they removed the living heart from a sacrifice victim and lit a fire inside his chest. These flames were used to ignite a bonfire on the hilltop, visible for many miles. The victim's body was then tossed into the fire. Representatives from all over the Empire attended this ritual. Each lit a torch from the bonfire and carried it back to his home city or town. When Zultépec's torch bearer returned, he ignited a bonfire at the Platform of Fire. The Plaza Inferior Norte was already packed with the people of Zultépec, each with their own unlit torch. At the Fire Platform, they their lit torches and carried them home to re-ignite their hearth fires of their households.. Thus the cycle was completed and the world was renewed for another 52 years, no doubt with sighs of relief all around.


Xuihtecuhtli, the Aztec God of Fire. He is thought to be an updated, Aztec version of Huehueteotl, the Old, Old Fire God, who had been revered for millennia. However, while Huehueteotl is always portrayed as a very old man carrying a brazier (fire tray) on his head, Xuihtecuhtli is young and carries no brazier. Turquoise was the symbolic equivalent of fire and the Fire God was believed to live in a turquoise room located in the center of the earth. The center position was considered to be the most important of the five cardinal points (the other four being north, south, east, and west). Consequently, the sacred hearth in each Aztec home or temple was in its center, where a permanent fire was kept burning. Aztec emperors considered Xuihtecuhtli to be their patron and, when they were enthroned, they were thought to embody him. Interestingly, Xuihtecuhtli was also the patron of the long-distance traders, called pochteca. This, once again, reaffirms the importance of trade and the status of traders in ancient Mesoamerica.


The Salon of the Nobles is located on the west end of the Plaza Inferior Norte. No one knows what the people of Zultépec called this structure. "Salon of Nobles" is an archeologist's label. However, the building's purpose seems clear. Local rulers, priests and nobles met here to discuss problems and make decisions. In addition, elite astronomers made observations here in order to inform the leadership of the will of the gods. The broad plaza in front of the staircase would have been suitable for large civic ceremonies. To understand the role played by the elite group who met here, it is important to understand Zultépec's relationship with Texcoco, the great city to which it owed allegiance.  


Artist's conception of the Salon of Nobles in the Post-Classic Era. It is a large, rectangular platform with a broad staircase in front. The balustrades on either side of the staircase show the Talud-tablero architectural style inherited from Teotihuacán. The thatched roof was supported by six large stone pillars. The Acolhua people who lived in Zultépec were tribally related to those in Texcoco and were part of the constellation of cities and towns controlled by it. These communities paid tribute to the ruling family of Texcoco, either in goods or services, or sometimes both. Zultépec was far enough away from Texcoco that its tribute was most likely in goods. Texcoco allowed some of the cities and towns to retain their own ruling dynasties. However, in Zultépec and some others, Texcoco appears to have appointed local governors. Although they were sent by Texcoco's ruler, these governors could not have functioned without the support and cooperation of the local priests, warriors, and noble landowners. It was in this context that Zultépec's elite met in the Salon of the Nobles. Through Texcoco, this trading town became closely connected to the wider Nahuatl-speaking world, because Texcoco was one of the three great city states that formed the Aztec Triple Alliance.

Map showing the relationship between Zultépec and its parent city Texcoco. Notice how Zultépec (far right on the map) is almost equidistant from Teotihuacán, its Classic Era parent city, and Texcoco, the city state for which it performed the same function as a trading outpost during the Post-Classic Era. The Aztec Triple Alliance was a coalition of three Nahuatl-speaking city states: Texcoco, Tenochtitlán, and Tlacopan. Each controlled groups of cities and towns through colonization, marriage alliances, or conquest. Zultépec was one of the cities founded by Texcoco colonists. The dominant partner of the Alliance was the Mexica kingdom, based in Tenochtitlan, an island city in the south central part of Lake Texcoco. The junior partner was Tlacopan, a city on the central eastern shore of the Lake.

A note about terminology: The word "Aztec" does not appear until at least colonial times. Some believe it was an invention of Alexander Humboldt, a 19th century European explorer. It is unlikely that the participants of the Triple Alliance would have used it. In this series, I use "Aztec Empire" to describe the Triple Alliance as a whole. I also use "Aztec" as a catchall term for aspects of culture common among the Alliance, rather than the way it is often used, as a name for the Mexica, the tribe with which it is usually associated.


Interior of the Salon of Nobles. Two rows of pillars supported the roof. Between them, toward the back, is a large square fire pit. It probably served ceremonial purposes, because one fire could not have provided enough light or heat for such a large room. Low stone benches run along the north and south sides, as well as the back wall. The structure in the center of the back wall appears to occupy a position of  importance.


The podium. This is clearly the most important spot in the Salon of Nobles. There is a direct line-of-sight from the entrance, down a passage created by the row of pillars. The large fire pit in the central area stands closer to this structure than to any of the other seating areas. This structure probably served as a seat for the ruler, or podium on which he could stand to address the room. It is also likely that the most important of the priests and warriors sat on the benches to his right and left.


Seating bench along the south wall of the Salon of Nobles. The fire pits spaced along the bench provided light, as well as heat. Similar pits appear along the north wall's bench. Among the artifacts found in these hearths were incense, feathers, and rubber balls. Those gathered here probably discussed problems in managing the city and in handling the trade that passed through it. Other issues most likely concerned upcoming festivals and ceremonies, support for Triple Alliance military campaigns and, of course, how to satisfy Texcoco's tribute requirements.


A meeting in the Salon probably looked something like this. The example above comes from one of the surviving codices created by Aztec scribes. It shows a meeting between Mexica ruler Moctezuma II and his nobles. Meetings in Zultépec's Salon would have borne some similarities to this image. Everyone would have been seated on reed mats. The meeting participants would have faced the ruler, who would sit at the head of the room, in a place of honor like the Salon's podium. The participants would have been attired cotton tilmas, colorfully decorated with the embroidered borders allowed only to the elite. In the codex image above, the small bubbles in front of the ruler's mouth indicate speech. In Nahuatl, the word for a ruler is tlatoani, meaning "one who speaks".

This completes Part 3 of my Zultépec-Tecoaque series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or email me directly. If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Examples of the beautifully crafted pottery found at Zultépec. I particularly liked the graceful shape of the pitcher, as well as the painted designs on the bowls. It is not clear whether these were locally made or imports. In either case, those who used them were almost certainly high-status individuals. Since Zultépec was located on a major trade crossroads, these artifacts might well have come from elsewhere in the Aztec Empire, or beyond. In my last two postings, I focused on temples, altars, gods, and the meeting place of the elite. In this one, I'll show you some of the homes of the city's residents, as well as artifacts of their daily lives.


Site map showing the two major residential areas. We will first look at the North Residential Area, located at the top of the map. The West Residential area is found on the left side. In Parts 2 and 3 of this series, we looked at the ceremonial areas in the center and bottom of the map.

The North Residential Area

The habitations are grouped very close together and connected by narrow passageways. Since the surrounding countryside is either level or gently sloped, I wondered why these dwellings were packed together, rather that spread out. According to a nearby sign, "the purpose was to ensure the safety of dwellers." An invader would have to find a way through a dense maze of structures, defended by local warriors familiar with every twist and turn. Zultépec was an outpost of the Aztec Empire, on the frontier with its traditional enemy, the Tlaxcaltecas.


Map detail of the North Residential Area. The rooms are grouped around rectangular courtyards. These can be seen in the upper left, center right, and lower right of the map. While most of the rooms are relatively small, several are quite large. They could have been occupied by wealthy merchants or members of the elite. On the other hand, they might have been workshops for one or more families.



Meet the Zultepecanos. The two figures in the middle are male, with females on either side. The men wear conical hats with brims and their pleated tunics end at mid-thigh. The man on the left has a strap over his shoulder, from which a small bag is suspended. The women both wear some sort of hood on their heads, possibly a shawl resembling the traditional Mexican rebozo. Their skirts extend to their ankles and are topped by a mid-thigh-length blouse. All these appear to be high-status individuals. Ordinary people would have worn much simpler garments and, in any case, statues of them probably wouldn't have been made.


Artist's conception of the habitations. The walls were made from the easily worked volcanic stone that was plentiful in the area. They would have been covered with lime plaster. The roofs would have been of wood and thatched materials that have long since disappeared.

Raised room with a step at the threshold. Rooms like this were used for sleeping and moments when privacy was desired. Most daily living would have occurred in the patios and plazas upon which the rooms opened. One reason to raise the rooms was to protect against flooding during the rainy season.


Orange tripod bowl, used for preparing or serving food. This is day-to-day kitchenware, unlike the finely crafted and painted bowls seen in the first photo. Food served in a bowl like this would have included cultivated plants, such as maiz (corn), beans, squash, amaranth, chia. The maiz would have been ground into flour on stone metates and then prepared as tortillas or tamales. In addition, the edible parts of wild plants such as maguey were also consumed. Meat would have been obtained from domesticated turkeys and dogs, as well as wild game, including deer, peccaries (wild pigs), fish, rabbits, and other small animals.


This room has an elaborate entry and a curiously-shaped stone structure behind it. The entrance, along with the beautiful flagstone floor, suggests an elite residence. The room opens on a large patio, which connects with several other rooms, suggesting an extended family compound. The cylindrical structure in the foreground is probably a water cistern, used for storage during the dry season.



Earthenware pitcher, another item of everyday use. Compare it to the delicate pitcher in the first photo. I can image this one being used to dip water from the stone cistern seen in the previous photo.


Another room with a threshold at its entrance. This one contains a fire pit against its back wall. Hearths like this would have been used both for cooking and heating. This is part of a multi-room complex.



Delicate vase with a fanciful design. This piece would have definitely graced a high-status home. The animal depicted on both sides of the vase appears be an octopus, or possibly a squid. A local artist who portrayed such animals could only have obtained them from the Gulf Coast. It is also possible that the vase itself originated on the Gulf Coast, with the design inspired by local sea life. Both scenarios fit well with Zultépec's role as a trade outpost.


A multi-room dwelling with a two-stepped platform outside its entrance. The flat area in the foreground is part of a large patio. The purpose of the platforms is unclear. Similar structures that I have seen elsewhere were sleeping areas. However, that is unlikely here, because they are placed in the corner of the patio, outside the dwelling's rooms.


The West Residential Area

The West Residential Area is also compact and contains several patios. There are at least four patios, one in each corner of the residential area. Most of the structures are grouped in the center.


Complex of rooms, looking north. The rooms are stepped down, as they descend the slope on which Zultépec is built. Most of these rooms are relatively small, indicating a somewhat lower status than those of larger size.



Pot lid, decorated with a pair of fanged and feathered feline faces. Pottery such as this would have been used for special occasions, or perhaps for ceremonial purposes. Only a high-status family could have afforded such pottery.

These two odd, circular structures are in the southeast patio of the residential area. There was no sign to explain their significance. They are too large to be the base of pillars. It is possible they might be water storage containers that have become filled with dirt. However, why two, side-by-side? I also thought of altars.  Occasionally, I have found circular altars in other pre-hispanic ruins, but rarely, if ever, in Aztec sites. Again, if they are altars, why two, side-by-side? If anyone has any information or thoughts on this, I would be glad to hear them.



Censer with the head of a bear. This beautifully crafted piece would  have been used to burn copal incense during religious rites. These might have occurred either at one of the temples in the plazas, or at a private ceremony at a household altar. The lid of the censer is vented to draw air to the flame, while the chimney top allows the fragrant smoke to escape. Bernal Diaz del Castillo was a young officer among Cortés conquistadors. He reported that, when the Spanish arrived at a new city on their route of conquest, they were invariably "fumigated" by native priests using devices like this before they were allowed to meet with the local chief.


An unusually large room, with an attached anteroom at the far end. I have rarely found rooms this large in the residential areas of other pre-hispanic sites. When I have encountered them, they were dwellings reserved for top-level elites and royalty. However, such extremely high-status dwellings are generally found close to temples or ceremonial structures located in restricted areas. These areas are usually set apart from those occupied by the lower classes. In this case, the room is simply part of the general residential complex. One possibility is that spaces like this were workshops to produce items for export. Among the most important of Zultépec's products was pulque, a mildly alcoholic beverage made from the maguey plant.


Pulque vase in the shape of a maguey plant. In the Post-Classic Era, the area around Zultépec abounded with wild maguey plants. In fact, when Carole and I visited, the fields around the archeological site were planted with agave, a species of maguey used to create tequila, the Mexican national drink. Maguey had many attributes useful to pre-hispanic people, including its fibers and its sharp spines. However, the most important of these uses was pulque. While some of this fermented drink was locally consumed, it was also Zultépec's major export product. Mayahuel, the Goddess of Maguey, was the consort of Quetzalcoatl. As we have seen, the Plumed Serpent's temple is the largest in the whole city, and is located in its most important plaza. Vessels like the one above were recovered near Quetzalcoatl's temple.


Another room of substantial size, with a raised platform in the rear portion. In "Everyday Life of the Aztecs", Warwick Bray describes the furnishings of a home: "To our eyes, even the richest house would have appeared bare and unfurnished. Wickerwork baskets or wooden chests held clothes and most of the family's belongings. Everybody, rich and poor alike, slept on reed mats, which were sometimes covered with canopies. Similar mats, placed on a wooden or earthen dais, were the most common form of seat...Other items of furniture included low tables, carved and gilded screens, wall hangings, rugs, and braziers in which burned aromatic woods."


Jewelry like this was worn only by those of the highest status. The two ear spools in the upper right and left are made from jade. In the middle, the white pieces forming the "eyes", "nose", and "teeth", are carved from seashells, as is the necklace below them. The butterfly-shaped piece at the bottom is made from serpentine. All of these were imported. The jade came from the Motagua River Valley, in faraway Guatemala, while the shell items and the serpentine are products of the Gulf Coast.

This completes Part 4 of my Zultépec-Tecoaque series. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below. If you leave a question, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Water cascades down the vertical walls of Cañon Leonera. In the summer of 2017 (I'm behind, I admit it...) I was among several carloads of expat hikers who drove two hours from the Lake Chapala area to visit this remote canyon. The gorge is hidden in the highlands area of Jalisco known as Los Altos, near the pueblo of Acatic. We make the long drive to the canyon at least once a year because of its many dramatic vistas and other fascinating attractions. If you'd like to see some of the canyon's features that I don't show here, you can visit my earlier posting entitled Hiking Leonera Canyon.


Cañon Leonera Overlook

The overlook provides a dramatic view of the canyon. This vista point is located next to the parking lot near the canyon's east rim. Below the wall where the hikers are standing, the terrain drops off precipitously. The road from Lake Chapala to Acatic is excellent, most of it on high speed cuotas (toll roads). However, the road from Acatic to the overlook is rough cobblestone which turns to dirt for the last several miles. There are almost no directional signs at the various forks in the road. If you are not fluent in Spanish, and would rather not wander around aimlessly on decrepit backcountry roads, I would strongly advise going with someone who knows the way. To connect with the Ajijic Hiking Group, click here.


Looking north, up the canyon. The country looks a bit like the Southwest US, with forested mesas and steep, reddish cliffs which drop down to rushing rivers. I took these photos in the late summer. At that time of year, everything is lush and green and the streams and waterfalls are full. My previous posting was from a winter visit, when the landscape is brown and there is little water, except in the river itself.


Looking south, the canyon sharply narrows between vertical cliffs. I have wanted to explore this dramatic and mysterious section since I first saw it from a distance. However, on a previous visit, we had a long talk with the owner of the evento  (recreation/party) site at the very bottom of the canyon. When we asked about a route in the southern direction, he shook his head. "Not a good idea. There are people down there who don't want you to see what they are doing." He would not elaborate, but we got the message loud and clear. I have never been afraid to visit Mexico's beautiful back country but, if the locals give you a warning like this, it would be foolish to ignore it. The evento owner saw no problems with the northern route and even guided us part of the way.


The Rim Waterfall

The waterfall drops vertically from an arroyo atop the canyon's east rim. This spectacular waterfall is dry most of the year, but it does run during the rainy season of the late summer and early fall. A long cobblestone road leads from the overlook to the river and, for a while, it closely hugs the wall of the canyon. Then, suddenly, the road makes a hairpin turn and begins a series of switchbacks down to the bottom. At that first switchback, a rough farmroad continues along the canyon wall for a couple more kilometers. About half way to its end, the farmroad loops into a side canyon and passes within 50 meters of the waterfall. At the bottom of the photo, you can see a heavy screen of trees between the road and the falls. When they are dry, you could easily miss them. However, in the late summer and early fall, their unmistakeable roar irresistibly draws you up a boulder strewn path to a rocky cul-de-sac.


The top half of the waterfall. It is very tall, and I was unable to get far enough back to capture it with one shot. The water splashed down the vertical side of the cul-de-sac. Swirling mists moistened the moss and ferns growing up to form deep green borders along each side of the cascading water.


A large pool fills the center of the cul-de-sac. Into it, the falling water crashed with a rythmic roar. The pool was drained by a stream that led back to the road and then down to the river far below. A cool mist coated everything, creating a circle of treacherously slick rocks around the pool. We all stepped carefully to avoid an inadvertent plunge into the water.


Red cliffs peep through thick foliage. We returned from the waterfull to the cobblestone road and then wound our way down the many switchbacks to the canyon's bottom. The view above is from a lookout part way down. The rim of the gorge is not one continuous line, but is composed of a series of bluffs and mesas, some standing alone.

Rock Ruins at the Canyon's bottom

Ruins of a rock shelter. At the bottom of the canyon, you can park your car near the recreation area and follow a trail that leads north along the river. In an old, disused, mango orchard, we found a number of rough, rock structures. It was not clear whether they had originally formed the foundations of rustic houses, or perhaps had been animal pens.


A rock wall extends down the slope toward the river. I have come across many similar walls, while hiking in remote back country areas. They are essentially just piles of stacked up rocks, without mortar, and some of them are quite old. Most of these old walls don't look sturdy enough to disuade a determined cow or horse, so they may be ancient property boundaries. Building such a wall would, no doubt, take a lot of work. However, the materials are all free and immediately available, unlike those necessary for a wire or wood fence.


Rio Verde


Rio Verde foams with whitewater. The heavy rains that had preceded our visit had also swelled the river and filled it with whitecaps. Rio Verde (Green River) flows through the Los Altos region, bisecting it from the northeast to the southwest. It eventually empties into the Rio Santiago, near Guadalajara. Los Altos is a high, semi-arid plateau, cut with deep canyons and gorges, the most important of which contains Rio Verde.



Rio Verde, looking north. The river gets its name from its normal color. The runoff from the rains has given it a café au lait hue. The calm water in the photo above is actually a shallow overflow area that is not normally covered with water. The raging river is behind the screen of trees at the center left, running along the base of the steep slope.


Meadows and Cliffs

In a lush, deciduous forest, a lone pitayo cactus reaches skyward.  Pitayo (Organ Pipe Cactus) is sometimes called the "Mexican fence post" because farmers plant it along the edge of their fields to keep cattle from raiding their crops. This cactus produces a luscious fruit called pitaya, which is harvested in the wild and sold in street markets. The area around Guadalajara is an ecological transition zone where the wet coastal area meets the high desert. Consequently, you find plant species from both environments, often closely mixed together.


The mid-day sun lights up a lush, emerald-green meadow. The knee-high grass was full of birds and small insects. Although we saw evidence of cattle, they had not grazed here recently, or the meadow would have been much more closely cropped. In the distance, but much closer now, the red-walled cliffs of the stand guard over the canyon.


A butterfly poses for my photo. Butterflies are often difficult to photograph because they tend to flit around unexpectedly. This one posed delicately on a green leaf for just long enough. I was not certain, at first, whether this little critter was actually a butterfly or perhaps was a moth. Both are part of the classification Lepidoptera. However their antennae are different: moths have feathery feelers, while those of butterflies are long and thin with a bulb on the end. In addition, moths feed at night, while butterflies like the sunlight. Since we were, at the time, bathed in bright sunshine and the feelers looked right, I concluded that this was a butterfly.


Jamie takes a breather in the meadow to enjoy the view.  Jamie is a full-time resident of the Lake Chapala area and has become very active in the Ajijic Hiking Group. She was one of the passengers in my car, so we hiked together.


A mid-range telephoto shot of one of the mesas reveals its precipitous cliff face. There is a sub-set of expat hikers who specialize in rock climbing. I have occasionally accompanied them on their adventures, but technical climbing doesn't hold much appeal for me. The proper preparation and placement of equipment usually take a lot of time. I recognize the need for safety, but I just don't have the patience. Apparently, age doesn't affect their climbing performance. Several of the climbers are in their 70s and at least one is in his 80s.


An extreme telephoto shot of another cliff reveals a cave. At first glance, there appears to be a ledge leading to the dark cavity, but closer inspection suggests that it would not be a safe route. My best guess is that the cave is very shallow and was probably created when a boulder fell out.



Tithonia, or Mexican Sunflower, decorated our trail. No matter what the season, something is always blooming in our area of Mexico. Even in the parched, brown days of April and May--the hot season--various wildflowers seem to thrive. In the rainy season of summer and early fall, there is a riotous display. The center of distribution for Tithonia is Mexico, but some species grow in the Southwest US and others thrive in Central America.



A small waterfall pours out of a spring in an arroyo along our path. Jamie and I rejoined the rest of our hiking group near the trailhead. Rather than driving, most of them had walked down the cobblestone road to the floor of the canyon. It is a long trek, but all downhill and comfortable in the coolness of the morning. However,  Jamie and I had decided to drive down and park near the beginning of the river trail. I had remembered, all too clearly, my previous experience of hiking back up that long, shadeless road in the hot afternoon sun. As that prospect dawned upon my fellow hikers, several of them persuaded me to carry them up to the top. As for the rest, what can I say? Some hikers are born masochists.

This completes my posting on Cañon Leonera. I hope you enjoyed it and, if so, you will leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or email me directly.

If you leave a question in the Comments section, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim

Billows of steam rise from Rio Negro's remarkable hot waterfall. The scalding hot water comes from springs further up the arroyo. Three of my friends and I visited the falls during a hike into the Bosque de la Primavera (Forest of the Spring). It is the huge public/private park located just west of Guadalajara. The many hot springs in the Bosque are the result of a long history of volcanism.


Map showing Bosque de la Primavera in relation to Guadalajara. The growth of Guadalajara has always been limited by deep canyons to the north and east and the high, mountainous plateau of the Bosque de la Primavera on the west. In the map above, the Bosque is the dark green area to the left of the city, covering an area almost as large as Guadalajara itself. We entered Bosque de la Primavera through La Venta de Astillero, at the northern border of the park. The mountains within the forest are the darkest green and are surrounded by rolling plateaus covered with forests of pine and oak. There is little underbrush on the plateaus, so the forests have an open feel that I find very refreshing. Numerous canyons and arroyos cut through the Bosque's soft volcanic earth. Some of them are formed by water flowing from hot springs. Chief among these is Rio Caliente (Hot River), which is located in the north central part of the park and flows roughly from east to west. Rio Negro is one of Rio Caliente's feeder streams.



My hiking companions, taking a breather. Steve (left) is a "sunbird" from Florida, who comes to Lake Chapala during the summer to escape the brutal heat and humidity of his state. Jim B (center) is a Texan and, like me, a full-timer in Mexico. Richard (right) is another sunbird the fleeing heat, and is also from Texas.

Rio Caliente

Rio Caliente is quite shallow in most places, even during the rainy season. I have hiked along this river numerous times, as well as in other areas of the park. There are trails on both sides of the river, as well as a dirt road that parallels it a short distance away. While there is very little elevation gain, the trails are quite rocky and require you to cross and re-cross the river several times. Good footgear, preferably with lug soles and ankle support, is essential.


Steam rises from the river. It is particularly visible during cooler weather. Rio Caliente, despite the name, is warm rather than hot. The really hot water comes from the feeder streams. In various scenic spots along Rio Caliente, natural pools draw folks looking for a soothing soak. In other places, nature has received a little human help in the form of small, rustic dams.


Nopal cactus, festooned with small, round tunas. Both the flat nopal paddles (leaves) and the tunas (fruit), are highly edible. Nopal, also called the Prickly Pear cactus, grows in many areas of Mexico and has been a staple of the Mexican diet for thousands of years. It is highly nutritious and contains anti-oxidants, vitamins, minerals, and fibre. Ripe tunas are sweetly delicious. However--as with the paddles--care must be taken to shave off the tiny spines on the cactus' skin. The flat nopal paddles can be roasted, boiled, sauteed, or--my preference--sliced in thin strips and eaten raw. They are tart, crunchy, and quite tasty when served this way in a salad or as an hors d'oeuvre.


The river passes over a series of small, scenic waterfalls. After a long hike, it is a real treat to sit in a shallow pool like this, with the warm water rushing over your shoulders. We came upon this one early in our hike, however, and did not pause to sample its pleasures.


Jim B leads the way on one of the many river crossings. Another essential item, particularly on this route, is one or more hiking poles. They help you keep your balance so you avoid unintentional tumbles into the water. The poles can also be used to test the water's depth and probe rocks to check their stability. Hikers in my area carry poles that range from inexpensive to costly. The store-bought version can run from $15-$60 USD (or more). I prefer the former, which can easily be made from old broom handles tipped with rubber footings. The handles I get for free from the trash and the footings can be obtained from most ferreterías (hardware stores) for the peso equivalent of 35 cents USD. Each to his own.


Rio Negro

Rio Negro flows up from the south to join Rio Caliente. Rio Negro gets its name from the black appearance of the water, a consequence of the dark algae that grows at the bottom. This river is genuinely hot. A warning sign in the area lists the temperature as 80 degrees Celsius (176 Fahrenheit). As you ascend the river, and get closer to the springs, the water temperature increases.



Further upstream, I gingerly make my way across the river. Richard's photo caught me in mid-stride. A spot like this is where hiking poles are of critical importance. Falling in at this point could cause significant burns and we were not close to any medical help. In the photo above, my feet are on the last two large rocks in the water. I was a little nervous about how wobbly they were. Above me, Jim B keeps a close eye on my progress. My broomstick pole is several inches longer than the store-bought models and the reach it gives me is an advantage in situations like this. Thankfully, everyone made it across without incident.


Jim B pushes his way through dense forest toward a huge plume of steam. We have reached the hot waterfall! The Rio Negro arroyo gradually narrows and, at this point, the canyon walls are only about 15m (45 ft) apart. Just a short distance ahead, they close in even further. In the Bosque, only the deep, well-watered arroyos contain the sort of jungle typical of Lake Chapala's mountains.


Rio Negro's hot falls rush through a narrow rock slot. Above, Jim B relaxes while Steve tries to get a decent photo. However, the steam billowing around us made photography challenging. Unfortunately, Steve's camera malfunctioned and he came away with no pictures of the adventure. Notice how dramatically the rays of sunlight cut down through the steam. If you are patient and position yourself correctly (and your camera doesn't crap out), the hot falls can yield some very nice photos.


Bromeliads coated the branches of trees overhanging the falls. Bromeliads (Bromeliacea) are common in this part of Mexico. The species shown above are epiphytes, which are non-parasitic organisms that grow on other organisms but draw their nourishment from the air, rainwater, or from debris that collects around them. Bromeliads are able to thrive in amazingly diverse environments. These range from sea level to 4200 meters (13,780 ft) and from cloud forests to deserts.


The Return Hike

Steve explores the mouth of Rio Negro, where it meets Rio Caliente. The larger river flows in at the center-right of the photo. Its greenish-brown color contrasts with the black hue of Rio Negro, seen in the foreground.


Algae at the bottom of Rio Negro. The algae in the shallows is not black, but sort of a greenish yellow. This photo reminded me a bit of a Jackson Pollack painting.


Steve takes in the view, while I study a possible river crossing. Here, you can get a sense of the rocky nature of the river trail. It had been a gorgeous day, warm but not too hot, with gentle breezes.


The camping and picnic areas of the Bosque are popular with the locals. However, for some reason, we rarely encounter Mexicans further into the Bosque's wilderness, other than farmers or cowboys.This mob of kids was accompanied by several adults. Since most of the kids were wearing identical t-shirts, it was probably an outing by a school or other kind of organization. Kids being kids, some were full of antics while others looked on shyly. The adults encouraged everyone to gather in for our photos. The scene above captures the typical warm friendliness of the Mexican people. I am always amazed at how wonderfully Americans are treated here, despite the awful way that Mexicans are treated by the US government and--in all too many cases--by people in the US.


After the hike, my faithful Toyota RAV4 ferried us to lunch in the nearby town of Tala. Years ago, after a similar hike, we asked someone at Tala's plaza where to find a good restaurant. They directed us to La Huerta de Vega (The Orchard of the Vega Family). Behind the wall is a large open-air space, shaded by an arbor of vines. Metal tables and plastic chairs stand on a dirt floor. The atmosphere is very rustic, but the food is good, plentiful, and remarkably inexpensive. There was even a musician who played guitar and sang for tips.


Kickin' back and swappin' lies. Sometimes this seems like the best part of a hike. We were pleasantly tired but full of memories of a spectacular day. Tales (some of them even true!) of our previous hikes and other adventures in Mexico were shared around the table. Life is good!

This completes my posting on the hot waterfall of Rio Negro. I hope you have enjoyed coming along on the trek. If so, please leave any thoughts or questions in the Comments section below or reply directly by email. If you leave a question, PLEASE leave your email address so that I can respond.

Hasta luego, Jim